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dc.contributor.supervisor Oxford, Will (Linguistics) en_US
dc.contributor.author Al-Daher, Zeyad
dc.date.accessioned 2016-11-29T16:09:27Z
dc.date.available 2016-11-29T16:09:27Z
dc.date.issued 2016
dc.identifier.uri http://hdl.handle.net/1993/31940
dc.description.abstract This thesis provides an in-depth analysis of wh-question formation in Jordanian Arabic (JA) and presents a uniform approach that can accommodate all of its various wh-constructions. JA makes use of five different wh-constructions, four of which involve clause-initial wh-phrases and the fifth is a typical in-situ wh-construction. Although wh-phrases surface clause-initially in four different wh-constructions in JA, I propose that bona fide wh-movement to [Spec, CP] does not occur in any of these constructions, whether overtly in syntax or covertly at LF. I abandon the classification of JA as a wh-movement language (Abdel Razaq 2011) and focus instead on identifying the syntactic role that wh-phrases realize and the underlying structures that feed each wh-construction. I propose that the clause-initial position of the wh-phrase results either from the syntactic function that the wh-phrase serves or from other syntactic operations that are independently attested in JA. There are three clause-initial positions that the wh-phrase can occupy: it surfaces in [Spec, TP] when functioning as the subject of a verbal or verbless structure, in [Spec, TopP] when functioning as a clitic-left-dislocated element (as in CLLD questions and ʔilli-interrogatives involving PRON), or in [Spec, FocP] when undergoing focus fronting. Thus, all instances of clause-initial wh-phrases in JA constitute what I refer to as “pseudo wh-fronting”, as the clause-initial position of the wh-phrase arises from mechanisms other than canonical wh-movement to [Spec, CP]. To account for the interpretation of wh-phrases in JA, I adopt a binding approach in which a null interrogative morpheme (Baker 1970; Pesetsky 1987; Chomsky 1995) unselectively binds the wh-phrase regardless of its surface position, whether clause-initial or clause-internal (in-situ). A major implication of this analysis is that JA is a concealed wh-in-situ language of the Chinese type although it looks at a cursory glance as though it were a wh-movement language of the English type. A broader typological implication of my analysis is the convergence of Cheng’s (1991) Clausal Typing Hypothesis to which JA previously appeared to constitute a counterexample. The recognition of the null interrogative particle, or its optional overt realization as the Q-particle huwweh, as the locus of interrogative clause typing in all JA wh-questions entails that JA employs just one unique strategy to type a clause as a wh-question, as predicted by Cheng’s Clausal Typing Hypothesis, regardless of whether the wh-phrase surfaces clause-initially or clause-internally. en_US
dc.subject Pseudo wh-fronting en_US
dc.subject Wh-question formation en_US
dc.subject Jordanian Arabic en_US
dc.subject In-situ wh-construction en_US
dc.subject Clitic-left-dislocation en_US
dc.subject Focus fronting en_US
dc.subject Unselective binding en_US
dc.subject Null interrogative particle en_US
dc.subject Q-particle en_US
dc.subject Concealed wh-in-situ en_US
dc.subject Syntactic analysis en_US
dc.subject Linguistics en_US
dc.subject Clausal typing hypothesis en_US
dc.title Pseudo wh-fronting: a diagnosis of wh-constructions in Jordanian Arabic en_US
dc.degree.discipline Linguistics en_US
dc.contributor.examiningcommittee Ghomeshi, Jila (Linguistics) Russell, Terry (Asian Studies) Kahnemuyipour, Arsalan (Language Studies, University of Toronto) en_US
dc.degree.level Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) en_US
dc.description.note February 2017 en_US


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