Morphologically-marked Transitivity Alternations in Makkan Arabic: Morphology as a Reflex of Argument Structure

dc.contributor.authorAzhari, Hanadi
dc.contributor.examiningcommitteeOxford, Will (Linguistics)en_US
dc.contributor.examiningcommitteeRoy, Egan (Classics)en_US
dc.contributor.examiningcommitteeRitter, Elizabeth (Calgary)en_US
dc.contributor.examiningcommitteeRitter, Elizabeth (University of Calgary)en_US
dc.contributor.supervisorGhomeshi, Jila (Linguistics)en_US
dc.date.accessioned2019-01-07T17:16:47Z
dc.date.available2019-01-07T17:16:47Z
dc.date.issued2019en_US
dc.date.submitted2019-01-04T02:51:55Zen
dc.degree.disciplineLinguisticsen_US
dc.degree.levelDoctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.)en_US
dc.description.abstractThis dissertation explores the relation between morphology and the suppression of the external argument in transitivity alternations in Makkan Arabic (MA). It investigates three morphologically-marked intransitive constructions that have transitive alternants. The first construction ʔan-v encodes passive, anticausative, and psych structures all of which are unaccusative structures that lack syntactically-merged external arguments. The distinction between different ʔan- structures is based on the pattern of compatibility of these structures with by itself, from-phrases, instrumental PPs, and Agent-oriented adjuncts. The second construction ʔat-v encodes reflexive and reciprocal structures, both of which are shown to be unergative structures with syntactically-merged external arguments. The third construction discussed in the dissertation is the unaccusative participles. On a par with ʔan- constructions, unaccusative participles involve three subclasses: passive participles, decausative participles and psych participles. In the thesis I argue that ʔat- constructions are structures in which the internal argument is not introduced in its canonical position as a complement of the root; rather it bundles with the external argument to be introduced into one and the same position [Spec, vP]. In contrast, ʔan- structures and unaccusative participles lack syntactically-merged external arguments. My account for morphologically-marked agentless structures is couched within the framework of the theory of Distributed Morphology (DM) in combination with the Minimalist approach to formal syntax. I assume different root types and different flavors of the functional head v. Building on Reinhart (2000) and Haiden’s (2005) Feature Theory of theta structure, I develop a theory of argument structure in which both root type and the functional head v take part in determining the argument structure for a given predicate, an approach that mediates the projectionist and constructionist approaches to argument structure. I attribute the absence of external arguments in ʔan-structures and unaccusative participles to a voice feature [±active] on the verbal functional head v and the participle functional head ptcpl. A functional head [+active] projects a specifier in which an external argument is licensed/introduced and hence derives transitive structures. In contrast, a functional head [-active] does not project a specifier and thus derives unaccusative structures. ʔan- spells out v[-active] while unaccusative participles spell out ptcpl[-active]. Given this, I conclude that morphologically-marked transitive/unaccusative alternations boil down to a voice feature [±active].en_US
dc.description.noteFebruary 2019en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/1993/33626
dc.language.isoengen_US
dc.rightsopen accessen_US
dc.subjectSyntaxen_US
dc.subjectAgent-less structuresen_US
dc.subjectDistributed Morphologyen_US
dc.subjectDependent caseen_US
dc.subjectArgument structureen_US
dc.subjectParticiplesen_US
dc.titleMorphologically-marked Transitivity Alternations in Makkan Arabic: Morphology as a Reflex of Argument Structureen_US
dc.typedoctoral thesisen_US
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