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(Is There a Politics of Postcoloniality?)Tj
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(Diana Brydon)Tj
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(University of Western Ontario)Tj
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(Is there a politics of postcoloniality and if there is, what kind of pol\
itics is it? This paper was )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(written in the context of a conference called \223The Politics of Postco\
loniality\224 hosted by )Tj
T*
(McMaster University in the fall of 2003, which asked a series of questio\
ns about the relation )Tj
T*
(of the academic study of the postcolonial to political activity within a\
nd beyond the )Tj
T*
(academy. These questions have preoccupied the discipline from its beginn\
ings and continue )Tj
T*
(to be posed in a number of ways. What is the relation between decolonizi\
ng the state and )Tj
T*
(decolonizing the mind? Are they inseparable or are they divisible projec\
ts? Or are both now )Tj
T*
(rendered obsolete by the new forms of global capitalism in which the pro\
liferation and )Tj
T*
(commodification of difference has replaced the false universalisms of th\
e older imperialisms, )Tj
T*
(once the target of postcolonial critique? Can analysis of the new Americ\
an Empire learn any )Tj
T*
(lessons from analysis of preceding imperialisms? The field is riven by t\
he fear that )Tj
T*
(postcolonial analysis, as currently practiced, may well be complicit wit\
h newer forms of )Tj
T*
(domination, even as the goals that it expresses continue to seek paths t\
o liberation.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(This paper remains haunted by such questions even as it seeks to exorciz\
e these ghosts. )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(The task of answering my question, \223is there a politics of postcoloni\
ality,\224 is complicated by )Tj
T*
(at least two factors. First, the meanings of postcolonialism and postcol\
oniality are deeply )Tj
T*
(contested. Secondly, the nature of politics itself has been thrown into \
crisis by changes )Tj
T*
(within the world system that might conveniently be dated from the fall o\
f the Berlin Wall and )Tj
T*
(the apparent rise of globalization or the system named \223Empire\224 \(\
as the successor to )Tj
T*
(postcolonialism\222s antagonist, imperialism\) is named by Michael Hardt\
and Antonio Negri \(in)Tj
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( )Tj
T*
(Empire )Tj
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(and)Tj
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( Multitude)Tj
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(Before my question can be answered, much ground remains to be cleared. I\
say this not to )Tj
T*
(avoid the righting of wrongs, but because I believe that wrongs cannot b\
e and will not be )Tj
T*
(righted without this kind of preliminary work, much as I regret the suff\
ering that continues )Tj
T*
(while those of us privileged to conduct these debates may seem to dither\
. This paper )Tj
T*
(approaches the question obliquely, by addressing some of the limiting st\
andpoints that )Tj
T*
(inhibit the productivity of a politics of postcoloniality \227 the \223p\
olitics of blame\224; strategies of )Tj
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(\223them and us\224; the assumptions behind \223speaking truth to power\224\
and the now misused )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(phrase, \223the personal is political\224 \227 in order to open space to\
imagine alternatives that )Tj
T*
(might suffice for the changed conditions of the present: alternatives su\
ch as Dipesh )Tj
T*
(Chakrabarty\222s notion of the \223politics of despair\224; Bonnie Honig\
\222s of the need to expand \223the )Tj
T*
(dilemmatic spaces\224 of endeavour; James \(Sak\351j\) Youngblood Hender\
son\222s of \223postcolonial )Tj
T*
(ghost dancing\224; Chakrabarty and Etienne Balibar\222s agreement on the\
current need to think )Tj
T*
(beyond nineteenth century notions of the citizen. The aim throughout is \
to work toward a )Tj
T*
(politics that balances critique with imagining otherwise.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(The \223we\224 employed in this paper refers to the community of scholar\
s concerned about how )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(to answer this question, initially those gathered at the McMaster confer\
ence in the fall of )Tj
T*
(2003 to discuss the politics of postcoloniality, and now the wider commu\
nity that forms the )Tj
T*
(postcolonial constituency. It is not employed to speak for others nor to\
assume or )Tj
T*
(manufacture consent but rather to invite engagement about the terms on w\
hich a widely )Tj
T*
(scattered group of people with distinctive approaches to these questions\
might begin to )Tj
T*
(discuss this complex topic and to frame a workable politics.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(This paper was written at a time of great loss for the postcolonial fiel\
d. The death of Edward )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Said leaves a huge gap. Said spoke for the value of literary and cultura\
l work within the )Tj
T*
(political arena; he insisted on the importance of the political to liter\
ary and cultural study; )Tj
T*
(and he worked his entire life to move American politics and postcolonial\
studies beyond )Tj
T*
(entrapment in what he termed a self-defeating \223politics of blame.\224\
But according to Said, )Tj
T*
(another politics, a politics of critique and acknowledgement, will be ne\
cessary before we can )Tj
T*
(move beyond a politics of blame. Said describes this challenge as follow\
s: \223I am for dialogue )Tj
T*
(between cultures and coexistence between people\205. But I think real pr\
inciple and real )Tj
T*
(justice have to be implemented before there can be true dialogue\224 \(B\
ov\351 1\). This sounds )Tj
T*
(like a chicken and egg problem: which comes first? How can real principl\
e and real justice be )Tj
T*
(implemented without true dialogue? But I believe that Said is correct. W\
e must tackle this )Tj
T*
(knot. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Dipesh Chakrabarty terms the difficulty of such a project \223a politics\
of despair\224 because it )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(requires \223a history that will attempt the impossible: to look toward \
its own death by tracing )Tj
T*
(that which resists and escapes the best human effort at translation acro\
ss cultural and other )Tj
T*
(semiotic systems, such that the world may once again be imagined as radi\
cally )Tj
T*
(heterogeneous\224 \(243-4\). He explains that this task is \223impossibl\
e within the knowledge )Tj
T*
(protocols of academic history, for the globality of academia is not inde\
pendent of the )Tj
T*
(globality that the European modern has created\224 \(244\). Nonetheless,\
although at present )Tj
T*
(there are \223no \(infra\)structural sites where such dreams could lodge\
themselves,\224 such )Tj
T*
(dreams will recur, requiring us to \223write over the privileged narrati\
ves of citizenship other )Tj
T*
(narratives of human connections\224 \(244\). The politics of despair, th\
en, does not advise giving )Tj
T*
(up. But it does suggest the need for a long-term view and a realistic ac\
knowledgement of )Tj
T*
(just how difficult the task will be. It is not an ineffectual wringing o\
f hands, but a willingness )Tj
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(to try to think through some genuine dilemmas. As one example of that di\
fficulty, I suggest )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(that both the politics of blame and that of speaking truth to power are \
complicit within the )Tj
T*
(privileged narratives of citizenship that Chakrabarty identifies as part\
of the problem. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(For Said, the intellectual has a duty to dissent, proclaiming his autono\
my from both state )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(and profession. I see such autonomy as a dangerous illusion, encouraging\
individualist )Tj
T*
(protest and a disabling suspicion of other modes of dissent.)Tj
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( Yet Said is convincing when )Tj
-31.2972 -1.5257 Td
(he suggests that a politics of blame is more often a strategy employed b\
y the powerful for )Tj
T*
(defusing claims for restitution, reparation and justice than it is a pol\
itics adopted by )Tj
T*
(oppressed peoples. Coinages such as the \223black armband view of histor\
y\224 \(cited in Pilger )Tj
T*
(193\), an expression invented to disparage the rewriting of Australian h\
istory from an )Tj
T*
(aboriginal point of view, are used by the powerful in Australia to dismi\
ss unpleasant truths, )Tj
T*
(such as the description of Australian colonial history as one of \223the\
ft, dispossession and )Tj
T*
(warfare, of massacre and resistance\224 \227 indeed, as \223genocide\224\
\(Pilger 192\). To call )Tj
T*
(something by its proper name is not to indulge in the politics of blame.\
Yet it is often seen )Tj
T*
(this way. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Such derogatory coinages can be turned on their inventors and embraced a\
s a badge of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(honour. You can now access on the web a song called \223Black Armband,\224\
composed by John )Tj
T*
(Hospodaryk as his ironic \223homage to John Howard.\224 He writes: \223\205\
When you criticized those )Tj
T*
(historians \(myself included\) as having a \221black armband view\222 be\
cause we choose to explore )Tj
T*
(the oppression of the Aboriginal people, you offended the suffering of t\
hese people. This )Tj
T*
(song, then, is an attempt to throw your remark right back in your face.\224\
The song wrests the )Tj
T*
(black armband from the context defined by the politics of blame, reclaim\
ing it for a politics )Tj
T*
(of commemoration and contention. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(But these lines will blur. Postcolonialism is not the politics of blame,\
and yet the stereotype )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(sticks. To move beyond a politics of blame was the great task of Edward \
Said\222s career, yet it )Tj
T*
(remained a task undone at the time of his death. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(It is all too easy to confuse calls for accountability and responsibilit\
y for a politics of blame. )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Clearer thinking is necessary, but so is an analysis of the functions su\
ch slippage serves. )Tj
T*
(Blame invokes discourses of purity that underlie divisions of us and the\
m, implying that the )Tj
T*
(guilty can be separated from the innocent, often further implying a disc\
ourse of good and )Tj
T*
(evil, sin and punishment, embraced by the great religions of the Book \(\
Christianity, Islam, )Tj
T*
(Judaism\). Such survivals within a supposedly secular age need to be inv\
estigated more )Tj
T*
(closely, within postcolonial discourse as elsewhere. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(I am deliberately cautious here. Said\222s strategy of \223speaking trut\
h to power\224 did not work )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(very well, yet too often it remains the only model for politically engag\
ed postcolonial )Tj
T*
(involvement. If postcolonial critics are to move beyond the impasse that\
Said described so )Tj
T*
(eloquently just before his death, then we need to understand better both\
the powerful )Tj
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(appeal and the limitations of a strategy that presumes to speak truth to\
power. Too often, )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(speaking truth to power can be the rallying cry of U.S. patriotic indivi\
dualism, a rights )Tj
T*
(discourse firmly embedded within the current status quo, a discourse of \
certainty rather )Tj
T*
(than questioning, which potentially nourishes a politics of blame. Pleas\
e don\222t mistake me )Tj
T*
(here. I think we need more room for dissent, not less. What troubles me \
in many current )Tj
T*
(invocations of speaking truth to power is the narrow scope afforded diss\
ent and its deep )Tj
T*
(entrenchment in contexts of U.S. constructions of citizenship around a c\
ertain kind of )Tj
T*
(individualist entitlement. It is this politics that authorizes speaking \
truth to power. The )Tj
T*
(politics of blame is not threatened by such a speaking; on the contrary,\
it reaffirms its hold )Tj
T*
(through such speech. As Rey Chow reminds us, \223Defilement and sanctifi\
cation belong to the )Tj
T*
(same symbolic order\224 \(141\). That order constrains all postcolonial \
speaking but it takes )Tj
T*
(particular forms within different national imaginaries. As postcolonial \
critics, we study these )Tj
T*
(within the international circuits of our discipline and the local limits\
of our own areas of )Tj
T*
(expertise, but we always view them from our own particular locations in \
culture.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(I am very aware of my Canadianness as I read expressions of faith in the\
necessity of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(speaking truth to power. To move outside the systems that it takes for g\
ranted, we need to )Tj
T*
(situate its politics historically for there are other ways of describing\
this impasse. In )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(The )Tj
T*
(Wealth of Nature)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(, Robert Nadeau considers, for example, the remarkable hold that )Tj
T*
(neoclassical economics continues to exert in defining and effectively re\
gulating the )Tj
T*
(ideological context in which these two politics function. As Nadeau expl\
ains, assumptions )Tj
T*
(about part/whole relationships based on superseded forms of science cont\
inue to operate )Tj
T*
(with the persistence of acts of faith within mainstream economics. These\
assumptions also )Tj
T*
(authorize both the politics of blame and that of speaking truth to power\
, for each believes )Tj
T*
(that separations of part from whole are not only possible but also desir\
able. To counter such )Tj
T*
(belief with alternative arguments based on reason alone, as Nadeau illus\
trates, is unlikely to )Tj
T*
(shake such faith. When each side in a conflict believes it holds the tru\
th, speaking truth to )Tj
T*
(power is unlikely to shake such belief. Different strategies may be need\
ed. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(In his remarkable attempt to take the readers of his book, )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(If This is Your Land, Where Are )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Your Stories?)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( beyond the politics of blame, Ted Chamberlin investigates the mobilizin\
g )Tj
T*
(power of stories but does not entirely escape the seductions of propheti\
c power invoked by )Tj
T*
(the concept of speaking truth to power. Chamberlin suggests that prophec\
y \223transcends the )Tj
T*
(category of truthtelling without rejecting it\224 \(51\), thus offering \
a wellspring for communal )Tj
T*
(mobilization that may be more powerful than political resistance. When s\
uch speech issues )Tj
T*
(from oppressed and dispossessed peoples, it must be listened to attentiv\
ely, with an effort )Tj
T*
(to understand it within its own terms. But eventually, Chamberlin recogn\
izes, even such )Tj
T*
(forms of speech need to be questioned. Speaking truth to power is a myth\
ology that can )Tj
T*
(work for any group. It begs the questions: whose truth? whose power? in \
which contexts? )Tj
T*
(Chamberlin suggests that the categories of them and us \223have become h\
ard-wired into our )Tj
T*
(consciousness, in ways that are both as meaningless and as meaningful as\
table )Tj
T*
(manners\224 \(24\). In other words, they are part of our habitus but the\
y are not part of our )Tj
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(essential selves, if such selves in fact exist. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(We need to pay more attention to what sustains such deeply ingrained cat\
egories of faith, )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(while also recognizing that the choice they pose to us is a false one, \223\
a choice,\224 in his words, )Tj
T*
(\223between being isolated or overwhelmed, between being marooned on an \
island or drowning )Tj
T*
(in the sea\224 \(24\). The \223great gift\224 of stories and songs, he s\
uggests, is that they \223can )Tj
T*
(frustrate that choice if we let them\224 \(32\). The task of a postcolon\
ial pedagogy, he implies, )Tj
T*
(will be to learn \(or relearn\) how to let them work that magic. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(But a pedagogy is not in itself a politics. I suggest that we remain cau\
tious about the role )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(that literature plays \223as the licenced alternative to objectivist soc\
ial science\224 in constructing )Tj
T*
(the aporias and antinomies that our knowledge systems employ to make sen\
se of the )Tj
T*
(present \(Simpson 16\). In his analysis of the terms that govern this li\
cense, David Simpson, )Tj
T*
(in )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(Situatedness, or, Why We Keep Saying Where We are Coming From)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(, warns that \223[t]he )Tj
T*
(outcome of the literary turn in the legal, ethical, and social scientifi\
c spheres is therefore not )Tj
T*
(to be predicted as necessarily positive because the conditions of its re\
ception cannot be )Tj
T*
(known in advance\224 \(145\). We all know from our teaching that postcol\
onial fictions may as )Tj
T*
(easily elicit comfort as discomfort, smug or dismissive judgments as oft\
en as compassion or )Tj
T*
(a rethinking of foundational assumptions. Literature has a role to play \
but cannot provide a )Tj
T*
(substitute for politics. Politics cannot be understood by focusing on co\
mpeting individuals )Tj
T*
(and their competing versions of speaking truth to power. Neither can a p\
ostcolonial politics )Tj
T*
(be understood by focusing on big names and their books instead of the su\
bstance of their )Tj
T*
(ideas and the contexts out of which they make their meaning. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Postcolonial politics take place within a larger crisis of politics itse\
lf. We need to understand )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(this crisis, the ways in which the postcolonial is embedded within it, a\
nd what specifically )Tj
T*
(postcolonial perspectives might bring to understanding and resolving thi\
s crisis. Immanuel )Tj
T*
(Wallerstein suggests that we are now at the end of the era of liberalism\
as the global )Tj
T*
(ideology or \223geoculture of the modern world system,\224 an era initia\
ted by the French )Tj
T*
(Revolution in 1789, with its declaration of the rights of Man and its em\
ancipatory agenda, )Tj
T*
(and now brought to an end with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 \(1\)\
. This era was )Tj
T*
(characterized, in his view, by liberalism\222s links with racism and Eur\
ocentrism, and by its )Tj
T*
(ability to highjack and redeploy ideologies of liberation. He believes t\
hat \223the world-system )Tj
T*
(is moving into an even greater North-South polarization than heretofore\224\
\(19\), a situation )Tj
T*
(which throws up several options for political practice: 1. what I am cal\
ling the politics of )Tj
T*
(blame, he terms \223the Khomeini option,\224 the denunciation of the Wes\
t and its Enlightenment )Tj
T*
(values as the incarnation of evil \(21\); 2. what he describes as the \223\
Saddam Hussein option,\224 )Tj
T*
(\223the willingness to risk real warfare\224 \(22\); and 3. \223individu\
al resistance by physical )Tj
T*
(relocation\224 -\226the solution reluctantly adopted by many postcolonia\
l intellectuals, refugees, )Tj
T*
(undocumented workers and other migrants \(23\). These options pose polit\
ical dilemmas. )Tj
T*
(Wallerstein sees the next fifty years as a time of crucial potential, as\
previously dominant )Tj
T*
(ideologies and economic systems collapse and new forms emerge. Out of th\
is challenge, he )Tj
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(wonders \223whether new transformatory movements with new strategies and\
agendas will in )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(fact emerge\224 \(24\). What role will postcolonial politics play during\
this interregnum? Is it )Tj
T*
(aligned with the old order or the new? Certainly it shares in much of th\
e old, deriving its )Tj
T*
(notions of the subject of politics and the goals of liberation from the \
declarations of 1789. )Tj
T*
(But it may also have some alternative perspectives to offer on how to th\
ink about politics )Tj
T*
(and how to practice it in these changing times. I think it does. This mo\
ment, then, may )Tj
T*
(provide an opportunity. How might it be seized? )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(In a lucid elaboration of three concepts of politics that need to be und\
erstood together, )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(emancipation, transformation and civility, Etienne Balibar draws particu\
lar attention to the )Tj
T*
(concept of civility, which he defines as \223the politics which takes as\
its \221object\222 the very )Tj
T*
(violence of identities\224 \(23\). Citing Bertrand Ogilvie\222s notion o\
f \223the \221making of disposable )Tj
T*
(man,\222\224 he considers \223indirect and delegated extermination\224 \(\
23\) within those contexts, )Tj
T*
(elaborated by Wallerstein, in which \223any claim to a right to politica\
l action has become )Tj
T*
(risible\205because there is practically no possibility for the victims t\
o see themselves and )Tj
T*
(present themselves in person as political subjects, capable of emancipat\
ing humanity by )Tj
T*
(emancipating themselves\224 \(24\). In attempting to understand the many\
different )Tj
T*
(contemporary forms of violence and cruelty associated with \223the makin\
g of disposable man,\224 )Tj
T*
(Balibar asks questions that are crucial to the postcolonial project: do \
these phenomena have )Tj
T*
(any real unity? \(141\); can we usefully distinguish between \223)Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(ultra objective)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( forms of violence, )Tj
T*
(or )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(cruelty without a face)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(\224 and \223)Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(ultra-subjective)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( forms of violence, or )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(cruelty with a Medusa )Tj
T*
(face)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(\224 \(143\)? He sees here, in this latter form, not the \223realm of or\
dinary forms of fascism\224 )Tj
T*
(but rather multiplications of an \223)Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(idealization of hatred)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(\224 \(25\). This then, may be a clue to )Tj
T*
(dangers lurking within the politics of blame--could it lead to an ideali\
zation of hatred? What )Tj
T*
(Balibar sees in these unprecedented forms of violence is their \223non-c\
ontrovertibility\224; that is, )Tj
T*
(\223they can neither be repressed or kept down \(which is, broadly, the \
objective of )Tj
T*
(theorizations of the political as justice, logos, social bond\), nor con\
verted politically into a )Tj
T*
(means of \221making history\222\224 \(26\). These new forms of violence,\
according to Balibar, throw )Tj
T*
(\223into question the idea of the constitution of politics either as tra\
nsformation or )Tj
T*
(emancipation\224 \(26\). These have been the traditional mainstays of po\
stcolonial politics. )Tj
T*
(Without them, where might we be? )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Balibar suggests that there still must be \223a politics involved in the\
condition of subjects )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(collectively confronted with the limits of their own power\224 and posit\
s some hope of finding )Tj
T*
(such a politics in a rearticulation of notions of civility with those of\
transformation and )Tj
T*
(emancipation \(26\). Balibar suggests that terrible though the violence \
of the conquistadores )Tj
T*
(was, it was ultimately constrained as well as authorized by the powerful\
hegemonic )Tj
T*
(framework within which it operated. That violence was \223disciplined\224\
and \223civilized\224 in ways )Tj
T*
(that current violences are not \(144\), according to him. Many will find\
this a problematic )Tj
T*
(concept, yet it articulates an alternative to the politics of blame. It \
also seems similar to )Tj
T*
(Anthony Hall\222s celebration of the negotiated politics of the Iroquois\
Confederacy in )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(The )Tj
T*
(Fourth World and the American Empire)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(. Hall suggests that British contractual arrangements )Tj
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(with First Nations peoples, even when imperfectly observed or ignored, w\
ere preferable to )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(the American Republic\222s refusal to recognize First Nations\222 sovere\
ignty at all. Hall argues )Tj
T*
(that \223those distinct peoples who stood in the way of the United State\
s\222s territorial ambitions )Tj
T*
(were dehumanized and criminalized in the text of the Declaration of Inde\
pendence\224 \(xiv\). )Tj
T*
(According to him, possibly no civil limits can be set to contemporary fo\
rms of violence \(from )Tj
T*
(state-sponsored to individual acts\) until the founding violence of this\
document is revisited )Tj
T*
(and corrected. Such a suggestion challenges some of the bases on which p\
ostcolonial )Tj
T*
(assumptions rest. To move beyond simplistic notions of liberation based \
on flawed )Tj
T*
(preconceptions, the terms of the discussion need to be clarified, histor\
icized and negotiated. )Tj
T*
(I cannot do that here. That work will be the task of generations, workin\
g in an )Tj
T*
(interdisciplinary, international, and collaborative fashion.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(The conference that generated this paper asked a series of questions. Wh\
at does )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(postcolonial work in the academy, and perhaps specifically in literary s\
tudies, hope to )Tj
T*
(achieve? What methods are appropriate to the task? Why does this work ma\
tter to us? What )Tj
T*
(is at stake in studying and teaching the postcolonial? What kinds of com\
munities can gather )Tj
T*
(under such a name? What is its relation to the concept of \223the nation\
\224? What are our hopes--)Tj
T*
(and our fears? If pitting truth against lies or your truth against my tr\
uth is not enough, then )Tj
T*
(what will suffice? It is crucial to remind ourselves of such questions b\
ecause it is easy to get )Tj
T*
(bogged down in the day to day, or distracted by matters that at the end \
of the day matter )Tj
T*
(much less. Postcolonial politics, as I understand it, is not about a sta\
te or a condition, as the )Tj
T*
(suffixes \223ity\224 and \223ism\224 suggest. Like all politics, \223pos\
tcolonial\224 refers to a process, a way of )Tj
T*
(doing politics differently. Cold War politics still inflect many respons\
es to such a phrase, )Tj
T*
(even among young people who never knew that era first hand. One student \
in my class this )Tj
T*
(year was enjoying Suniti Namjoshi\222s )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(Goja)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( until he read the following passage: \223But I\222m )Tj
T*
(beginning to understand the point of Goja\222s tale: as long as Charity \
is confined to the private )Tj
T*
(sphere, and Power to the public and political one \227 nothing works!\224\
\(136\). What I saw as a )Tj
T*
(powerful moment of insight into the contradictions of a culture that pri\
ded itself on its )Tj
T*
(goodness even as it allowed unconscionable poverty to co-exist with unim\
aginable wealth, )Tj
T*
(he saw as a call to Communism, a system he had learned had been proven n\
ot to work. How )Tj
T*
(do we free Charity and Power from the \223mental straitjackets\224 of th\
e imagination \(Brydon and )Tj
T*
(Tiffin 33\) maintained by this false binary? A postcolonial politics, I \
argue, begins with such )Tj
T*
(questions.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(At its most fundamental level, postcolonial thinking challenges the fail\
ures of imagination )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(that led to colonialism and its aftermath, a failure that continues with\
globalization but is )Tj
T*
(now assuming horrific new forms. It involves learning to understand the \
legacies of the past )Tj
T*
(in all their complexity so as to provide ourselves with a sound groundin\
g, both cautionary )Tj
T*
(and inspirational, for imagining better ways of living together in the f\
uture. That is where )Tj
T*
(the politics come in. The way to such learning is determined by the need\
s and urgencies of )Tj
T*
(the present. Such learning involves the kinds of unlearning that Gayatri\
Spivak addresses )Tj
T*
(when she speaks of \223un-learning our privilege as our loss\224 \(\223C\
riticism\224 9\). So often the )Tj
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(second part of that equation gets forgotten. It involves recognizing tha\
t structures of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(knowledge often contain their own sanctioned forms of ignorance \(anothe\
r Spivakian )Tj
T*
(concept\) and their own asymmetrical forms of knowing, that blindness an\
d insight may be )Tj
T*
(the Siamese twins of knowledge. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(But to recognize that truth is complex is not to dispense with it entire\
ly. Here Satya )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Mohanty\222s engagements with critical realism need to be followed close\
ly. My view, which )Tj
T*
(admittedly goes against the grain of much of the new \223common sense\224\
about postcoloniality, )Tj
T*
(is that postcolonial histories and stories challenge the prevalent postm\
odernist faith in )Tj
T*
(individuality, deterritorialization and relativism and their entrenchmen\
t of special interest )Tj
T*
(group and identity politics as the only politics of which people are cap\
able. In my view, a )Tj
T*
(postcolonial politics means turning away from cheap cynicisms and easy a\
nswers to enter )Tj
T*
(instead into what Bonnie Honig calls, creating an adjective from the nou\
n \223dilemma,\224 the )Tj
T*
(\223dilemmatic spaces\224 of difficult engagements. Such dilemmatic spac\
es require a certain )Tj
T*
(humbleness of approach, a willingness to be proven wrong, an openness to\
fresh ways of )Tj
T*
(posing problems, a willingness to submit to the demands of \223infinite \
rehearsal\224 \(Harris )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
T*
(Infinite)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(\) rather than to seek any kind of \223final solution.\224 The echoes he\
re are deliberate. My )Tj
T*
(hopes are to evade \223eclipses of otherness\224 \(Harris )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(Womb)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( 55, 92-3\); my fears are renewed )Tj
T*
(forms of fascism. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(There are many dilemmatic spaces that a politics of postcolonialism must\
engage. One of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(those spaces is the matter of our own situatedness. As differently posit\
ioned heirs to the )Tj
T*
(legacies of colonialism, we study a phenomenon that provides us in every\
sense with the )Tj
T*
(means and the manner of our current living. Many scholars working within\
the postcolonial )Tj
T*
(field have been accused of putting academic politics and careerism befor\
e the larger )Tj
T*
(objectives of work in the field, even of substituting career advancement\
for working toward )Tj
T*
(decolonization and the kinds of political change it seems to demand. The\
cynicism of such )Tj
T*
(criticism mistakes a part of the picture for the whole and misidentifies\
the issues. Indeed, )Tj
T*
(that kind of critique remains trapped in a politics of blame that fails \
to identify the larger )Tj
T*
(circuits of power within which academic exchanges are embedded, and too \
often presumes )Tj
T*
(to prejudge the issues before all participants are heard. There are a fe\
w issues that I want )Tj
T*
(to raise here. First is the question of how to identify the nature and t\
erms of our )Tj
T*
(situatedness as postcolonial critics. This will include addressing the p\
henomenal popularity )Tj
T*
(of situating the self within many current discourses and the contradicto\
ry but mutually )Tj
T*
(constitutive forms that practice takes, as analyzed so provocatively by \
David Simpson in )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
T*
(Situatedness)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(. Second is identification of the proper scope of postcolonial inquiry. \
Thirdly, )Tj
T*
(what goals it can appropriately set itself. Fourth, insofar as the postc\
olonial involves a )Tj
T*
(distinctive form of political analysis, this will involve articulating i\
ts relation to other forms of )Tj
T*
(political analysis, such as liberalism and Marxism. Here, Duncan Ivison\222\
s )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(Postcolonial )Tj
T*
(Liberalism)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( and Crystal Bartolovich\222s and Neil Lazarus\222s )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(Marxism, Modernity and Postcolonial )Tj
T*
(Studies)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( are good places to begin. Five, if the postcolonial has indeed been div\
erted from its )Tj
T*
(proper goals, how can it be set back on an appropriate path once more? F\
inally, how can we )Tj
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(Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. \223Criticism, Feminism, and the Institutio\
n\224 In )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(The Post-)Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Colonial Critic)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(. 1-16.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
( \227. )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(A Critique of Postcolonial Reason)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UP, 1999.)Tj
T*
( \227. )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(The Post-Colonial Critic: Interviews, Strategies, Dialogues)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(. Ed. Sarah Harasym. )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(New York: Routledge, 1990.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Wallerstein, Immanuel. )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(After Liberalism)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(. New York: New Press, 1995. )Tj
T*
(Z Staff, \223Editorial: The Personal is Political?\224 Accessed on Octob\
er 22, 2003 <)Tj
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(know whether or not we have identified such a path, or whether new confi\
gurations of the )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(field merely reinscribe complicity with hegemonic orders?)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Arif Dirlik suggests that the field has taken a wrong turn in retreating\
from \223the )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(understanding of colonialism as system,\224 moving instead into \223a si\
tuational approach that )Tj
T*
(valorizes contingency and difference over systemic totality\224 \(433\).\
Such a situational )Tj
T*
(approach makes it harder to identify the system that has simultaneously \
given rise to )Tj
T*
(postcolonial studies as a growth area within the academy while denying i\
t any purchase )Tj
T*
(within the world outside academe. Dirlik suggests that \223Preoccupation\
with colonialism and )Tj
T*
(its legacies makes for an exaggerated view of the hold of the past over \
contemporary )Tj
T*
(realities, and an obliviousness to the reconfiguration of past legacies \
by contemporary )Tj
T*
(restructurations of power\224 \(429\).)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Attention to that \223reconfiguration of past legacies by contemporary r\
estructurations of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(power\224 requires continued vigilance, attentiveness to new forms of co\
mplicity, and a )Tj
T*
(willingness to move on, to recognize that analyses appropriate to one ti\
me and place may )Tj
T*
(prove inappropriate in another. In Dirlik\222s view, postcolonial critic\
ism \223speaks to the legacies )Tj
T*
(of the past, but it is arguably informed in its basic premises and orien\
tations by assumptions )Tj
T*
(that derive their plausibility from its context in globalization\224 \(4\
29\). These are points we )Tj
T*
(need to take very seriously. To test them, the contemporary postcolonial\
critic will need to )Tj
T*
(consider current contexts of globalization: their derivations and deviat\
ions from colonial )Tj
T*
(legacies and the possibility of their relative autonomy from these. But \
attention to )Tj
T*
(globalization alone will not necessarily solve the bigger questions here\
; it merely displaces )Tj
T*
(the problem of situatededness from one arena to another.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Dirlik\222s arguments, like those of H.D. Harootunian, derive from an an\
alysis of a U.S. context )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(in which area studies rather than Commonwealth literature is seen as the\
foundation for )Tj
T*
(contemporary postcolonial studies, a context and a history that do not d\
escribe the )Tj
T*
(Canadian situation. Harootunian\222s account of the present state of the\
discipline is barely )Tj
T*
(recognizable from the locations in which I have worked in Australia and \
Canada. He writes )Tj
T*
(that postcolonial discourse \223has seized control of English department\
s and along with its ally )Tj
T*
(identity politics redefined the character of cultural studies\224 \(150\)\
. From my perspective, he )Tj
T*
(is wrong on at least two of these three counts. English departments have\
not been )Tj
T*
(transformed by postcolonial studies and identity politics are not necess\
arily its allies, )Tj
T*
(although they may prove traveling companions for a while, as in anti-rac\
ist struggles. If )Tj
T*
(identity politics have redefined cultural studies, then that is a matter\
I leave open for today. )Tj
T*
(I suspect he is right about this. It may also be true, as Kobena Mercer \
suggests \223\205that one )Tj
T*
(of the ironies of the nineties was that the keywords of postcolonial thi\
nking perhaps became )Tj
T*
(globalized as merely commonplace rather than critically interrogative\224\
\(234\). I have already )Tj
T*
(suggested that the concept of speaking truth to power, always problemati\
c in my view, has )Tj
T*
(become one of those normalized clich\351s, drained of its political forc\
e, even as the examples )Tj
T*
(of intellectuals such as Edward Said, Salman Rushdie and Arundhati Roy r\
emind us of its )Tj
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(rallying power and the ethical force it is capable of summoning. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Harootunian\222s prescription for postcolonial revival is to redirect it\
s attention to \223capitalist )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(modernity and its transformations,\224 to the relationship between the \223\
experience of )Tj
T*
(everydayness and the relentless regime of the commodity form\224 \(173\)\
. Without such )Tj
T*
(reconfiguration, Harootunian asks: \223What, then, can we hope from post\
coloniality? An )Tj
T*
(innocuous \221cultural respect,\222 postcoloniality\222s response to hum\
an rights?\224 \(172\), he )Tj
T*
(concludes dismissively. Posed in these terms, the New Age or liberal car\
icature that passes )Tj
T*
(for postcoloniality in his essay is indeed a trendy triviality, yet I wo\
uld like to keep this )Tj
T*
(question alive as something requiring much further investigation, today \
and in the future. )Tj
T*
(What renders cultural respect innocuous? Is it always so? What is the re\
lation between )Tj
T*
(respect and rights? Is there a problem with the terms here or with the a\
ssumptions they )Tj
T*
(carry? If respect and rights cannot lead to a more equitable world, then\
what kinds of )Tj
T*
(concepts can replace them? Chamberlin\222s book, for example, disengages\
a discourse of )Tj
T*
(respect from one of rights, without denying the need to address question\
s of entitlement, )Tj
T*
(ownership and spiritual value. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(In a similar vein to Harootunian, Dirlik argues that \223the problematic\
of postcolonialism\224 is )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(exhausted because \223colonialism as systemic activity has receded befor\
e a reconfiguration of )Tj
T*
(global relations, so that, even where colonialism persists, it appears d\
ifferently than it did )Tj
T*
(before as it is refracted through these new relationships\224 \(445\). I\
agree that the current )Tj
T*
(situation reconfigures power relations and requires a renewed and possib\
ly redirected mode )Tj
T*
(of analysis, but the survival of older forms of colonial discourse and t\
he assumptions these )Tj
T*
(carry cause me to dispute Dirlik\222s contention that the problematic of\
the field has been )Tj
T*
(exhausted. Dirlik identifies the problematic of postcolonialism solely w\
ith its role as critique, )Tj
T*
(yet as Harootunian acknowledges and Chamberlin elaborates, its role as \223\
memoration\224 \(173\) )Tj
T*
(is equally important. How and what communities remember and what they er\
ase from )Tj
T*
(memory are always at stake. Indeed, since June 2003, when Stanley Kurtz \
of the Hoover )Tj
T*
(Institute testified before the Subcommittee on Select Education, Committ\
ee on Education )Tj
T*
(and the Workforce, U.S. House of Representatives, claiming that \223The \
ruling intellectual )Tj
T*
(paradigm in academic area studies \(especially Middle Eastern Studies\) \
is called \221post-colonial )Tj
T*
(theory,\222\224 the field has been identified as a major threat to U.S. \
patriotism, requiring further )Tj
T*
(regulation, closer monitoring and the possible withdrawal of funds. Acco\
rding to Kurtz, \223The )Tj
T*
(core premise of post-colonial theory is that it is immoral for a scholar\
to put his knowledge )Tj
T*
(of foreign languages and cultures at the service of American power.\224 \
Such a politics of )Tj
T*
(boycott is then interpreted by Kurtz as expressing \223an extreme animus\
to the United States )Tj
T*
(itself.\224 Once again, a refusal to serve is read through the lens of t\
he politics of blame and )Tj
T*
(the spaces for dissent, and the dilemmatic spaces of engagement, are sev\
erely narrowed. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(For me, the task of postcolonial theory is to widen the space for negoti\
ating understanding )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(beyond knee-jerk ideological posturing on both sides of an issue. How do\
es one respond to a )Tj
T*
(Kurtz? I see no value in accepting the terms of engagement he sets, eith\
er to embrace or )Tj
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(reject his caricature. What needs to be attacked are the premises on whi\
ch he bases his )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(arguments. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(More questions confront the postcolonial theorist who wishes to move bey\
ond such narrowly )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(circumscribed rhetorics of betrayal and blame. As my quotation from Said\
at the beginning )Tj
T*
(of this paper indicates, that is not to suggest that Palestinians have n\
ot been wronged or )Tj
T*
(that these wrongs must not be recognized, but it is to argue that once s\
uch )Tj
T*
(acknowledgement is made, both a will and means must be found to negotiat\
e a better way )Tj
T*
(forward. It is true, as one of this paper\222s readers implied, that I a\
m suspicious of the master-)Tj
T*
(narratives of politics, but that does not require embracing a relativist\
view that one side\222s )Tj
T*
(truth is as good as another\222s. The ethical choice of adjudicating tru\
ths may not be best )Tj
T*
(served, in the end, by taking one side above another. Ethically, we may \
well decide that one )Tj
T*
(side is right and the other wrong, but politics, as the art of the possi\
ble, moves in a different )Tj
T*
(sphere. Rather than a politics of winners and losers and winner take all\
, I prefer to adopt a )Tj
T*
(politics of negotiation and compromise. Postcolonial histories must prom\
pt us to ask how we )Tj
T*
(can know what kinds of political change will work best for all of us, or\
at least for more of )Tj
T*
(us, when as Erna Brodber puts it, \223the half has never been told\224 \(\
35\). )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(At the same time, Chinua Achebe reminds us of how much further we must g\
o before we )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(can begin to identify shared goals. He says:)Tj
1.728 -2.60001 Td
(To those who believe that Europe and North America have already invented\
a )Tj
T*
(universal civilization and all the rest of us have to do is hurry up and\
enroll, what I )Tj
T*
(am proposing will appear unnecessary if not downright foolish. But for o\
thers who )Tj
T*
(may believe with me that universal civilization is nowhere yet in sight,\
the task will be )Tj
T*
(how to enter the preliminary conversations. \(104\))Tj
-1.728 -2.60001 Td
(How to enter the preliminary conversations? That may indeed sound unduly\
timid to those )Tj
T*
(more confident of the right way forward, yet I believe that postcolonial\
studies is still at this )Tj
T*
(stage. We are still learning on what basis such a conversation may be be\
gun because those )Tj
T*
(of us inhabiting settler colonies, in any case, are still learning to li\
sten to alternative )Tj
T*
(analyses of who we are and what our accomplishments mean. We are still e\
xperimenting )Tj
T*
(with devising our points of entry into alternative ways of envisioning t\
he world. Dirlik and )Tj
T*
(Harootunian believe that the conversation must begin with a critique of \
capitalism; )Tj
T*
(Chamberlin suggests a renewed respect for ceremonies of community buildi\
ng through the )Tj
T*
(rituals of words. We need the analyses that come from both traditions. I\
do not believe we )Tj
T*
(have to choose between these options. Rather, we need to learn to think \
them through )Tj
T*
(together and try to think beyond them. James \(Sak\351j\) Youngblood Hen\
derson, in his essay, )Tj
T*
(\223Postcolonial Ghost Dancing: Diagnosing European Colonialism,\224 pro\
vides one example, from )Tj
T*
(an indigenous perspective, of how that might be done, wrenching the ghos\
t dance away )Tj
T*
(from Eurocentric interpretations back into the context of \223a sustaine\
d vision of how to resist )Tj
T*
(colonization\224 \(57\). )Tj
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(There are, then, both ideological and institutional contexts constrainin\
g the politics of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(postcoloniality and the terms on which such a conversation may be starte\
d, as Henderson )Tj
T*
(recognizes. He identifies colonial strategies of \223Eurocentrism, epist\
emological diffusionism, )Tj
T*
(universality, and enforcement of differences,\224 seeing each of them as\
living within the )Tj
T*
(contexts of knowledge production today \(58\). Dirlik and Harootunian id\
entify capitalism as )Tj
T*
(the major constraining context, a context that in its consumerism and it\
s desire for the new )Tj
T*
(makes their academic audience impatient with last year\222s trend and an\
xious to move on to )Tj
T*
(the next new thing. They deplore such faddishness yet cannot resist its \
terms of )Tj
T*
(engagement entirely. For Dirlik and Harootunian, postcolonialism has had\
its fifteen minutes )Tj
T*
(of fame. In contrast, Chamberlin seeks to connect with a common sense of\
shared humanity )Tj
T*
(that is concerned by conflict and yearns for \223common ground\224 \(as \
indicated in his subtitle, )Tj
T*
(\223Finding Common Ground\224\) among all the warring factions that divi\
de the world. The larger )Tj
T*
(systemic context he identifies is not capitalism but rather the enduring\
power of stories to )Tj
T*
(divide and unite us and to explain the world. I think that capitalism an\
d stories need to be )Tj
T*
(theorized together. Since each of these theorists is to some extent cons\
trained by the )Tj
T*
(audiences he addresses, their work needs to be read together. In their h\
aste to declare the )Tj
T*
(postcolonial defunct, Dirlik and Harootunian fail to give it the time it\
needs to work through )Tj
T*
(its mandate. In his desire to reach beyond the academy, Chamberlin makes\
a virtue of )Tj
T*
(simplicity but cannot always do justice to the demands he wants to make.\
While I find )Tj
T*
(Henderson\222s analysis most persuasive, it assumes an audience familiar\
with a high degree of )Tj
T*
(academic abstraction. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Terri A. Hasseler and Paula M. Krebs remind us that \223[t]he definition\
of postcolonialism in )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(the United States exists in a market context\224 \(91\). That context is\
part of what we need to )Tj
T*
(understand if a politics is to be developed to address and change it. In\
tracing trends within )Tj
T*
(MLA job descriptions over the past ten years, they conclude that both ma\
rket forces and \223a )Tj
T*
(potential shift in the politics of the larger field of English studies\224\
seem to be at play \(91\), )Tj
T*
(although they remain unsure of what impact the dynamism and breadth of t\
he field is )Tj
T*
(having. They suggest that although \223postcolonialism has become part o\
f the common )Tj
T*
(language of literature departments, there are nevertheless many dialects\
within this )Tj
T*
(language,\224 meaning that specialists working within one geopolitical l\
ocation may not )Tj
T*
(necessarily share reference points with specialists in another \(99\). T\
his is certainly true. In )Tj
T*
(writing this essay from my southwestern Ontario, Canadian location, I am\
very aware of )Tj
T*
(how different my perspective is from that of my colleagues in the United\
States and of how )Tj
T*
(hard it is to speak across those national barriers. What are the implica\
tions of such a state )Tj
T*
(of fragmentation for the national and global politics of the field? Hass\
eler and Krebs\222 title, )Tj
T*
(\223Losing Our Way after the Imperial Turn,\224 implies a certain lack o\
f faith in the efficacy of the )Tj
T*
(field, despite the pious hope expressed in their conclusion that postcol\
onialism may )Tj
T*
(eventually have a transformative effect on many aspects of \223English s\
tudies,\224 including )Tj
T*
(\223disciplinary boundaries, approaches to texts, and even the politics \
of institutions\224 \(100\). )Tj
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(For Hasseler and Krebs, then, the politics of postcoloniality are academ\
ic politics, with )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(implications for change largely confined to the university. For many, th\
at politics is )Tj
T*
(insufficient, and the results that it can be expected to achieve will be\
modest and happen )Tj
T*
(too slowly. I am more ambivalent. Postcolonial study is not just about E\
nglish studies but )Tj
T*
(about knowledge formations and their consequences, within and beyond uni\
versity study. At )Tj
T*
(the same time, what politics needs from university researchers is sound \
research that can )Tj
T*
(be trusted and the authority of an arms-length distance from the marketp\
lace and from the )Tj
T*
(state, so that rational strategies for political action may be based on \
objective information )Tj
T*
(and analysis. At a time when media credibility is at an all-time low, an\
d scientific research is )Tj
T*
(itself being questioned for its partisan and partial nature, scholarship\
in the humanities )Tj
T*
(needs to reclaim an ethical ground that through postmodernism it volunta\
rily relinquished. )Tj
T*
(Thus it is urgent that university researchers combat corporate funding o\
f research and the )Tj
T*
(privatization of universities, including the transformation of knowledge\
into product and )Tj
T*
(students into consumers. It is also necessary for postcolonial work to c\
hallenge the )Tj
T*
(stereotypes and assumptions that make inequities seem both natural and d\
eserved, thus )Tj
T*
(preparing the ground for a politics through which Achebe\222s desired co\
nversations may begin )Tj
T*
(to happen. While literary study has a role to play in this task, the ins\
ights of other disciplines )Tj
T*
(are also needed to contribute to this recontextualization. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Politics will not be valued or understood until those aspects that disti\
nguish it from other )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(human endeavors are recognized along with the ways in which it is enmesh\
ed within other )Tj
T*
(activities. \223The personal is political\224 was an effective slogan fo\
r different times, when it )Tj
T*
(challenged notions of the autonomy of the individual to insist on the Ma\
rxian insight that any )Tj
T*
(choices we might make are always made within contexts not of our own cho\
osing. Feminists )Tj
T*
(in the 1960s found it helpful in fighting sexism. But today it has been \
turned on its head, )Tj
T*
(often being employed to reinforce the very focus on autonomous individua\
l choice that it )Tj
T*
(was designed to combat. Today, employment of the phrase tends to obscure\
rather than )Tj
T*
(illuminate the crucial connections that must be made between different a\
spects of our lives. )Tj
T*
(It reduces politics to individual preference. As an editorial in Z Magaz\
ine puts it: )Tj
1.728 -2.60001 Td
(The \223personal is political\224 \227 meaning that personal outcomes ar\
e largely a product of )Tj
T*
(systemic relations and of structures beyond each individual that need to\
be addressed )Tj
T*
(\227 came to mean, instead, that all political phenomena arise from the \
accumulated )Tj
T*
(personal choices of individuals, so that what needed to be addressed to \
win better )Tj
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(circumstances was primarily people\222s personal choices.)Tj
-1.728 -2.60001 Td
(The concepts of agency and of choice need to be rescued from such draini\
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(In valuing politics as politics, we need not devalue other kinds of huma\
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(appeared addressing the question of postcolonial aesthetics. But the tas\
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(aesthetics and politics together remains one of the challenges before us\
. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Although the ultimate orientation of a postcolonial politics is toward n\
egotiating political )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(change in the organizations of governance, power and wealth in the world\
, the more )Tj
T*
(immediate task is creating the kinds of knowledge base and the kinds of \
subjects who can )Tj
T*
(work together creatively toward achieving such goals. We always need to \
remind ourselves )Tj
T*
(of the long and short term goals of our work. By drawing attention to th\
e notion of \223ends\224 I )Tj
T*
(am directing attention to the functions of postcolonial work but also hi\
ghlighting its )Tj
T*
(imbrication within utopian projects as varied and contradictory as Marxi\
sm and Christianity. )Tj
T*
(The language of postcolonial theory is heavily imbued with potent metaph\
ors from )Tj
T*
(economics and religion. How do we negotiate across these conflicting age\
ndas? \223The Ends of )Tj
T*
(Postcolonialism,\224 my original conference title, carries eschatologica\
l echoes from )Tj
T*
(monotheistic religious, liberal and utopian discourses, each of which im\
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T*
(progress toward \223an end,\224 a final point of consummation. These are\
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T*
(disclaim but which must be investigated before they can be discarded bec\
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T*
(enterprise is imbued with them, heavily imbued with them. The notion of \
bearing witness, )Tj
T*
(for example, grounds much work within the field in a way that seems to d\
elink the concept )Tj
T*
(from its roots in religious experience, but can such associations be so \
easily delinked? Or )Tj
T*
(should they be? In what ways does the postcolonial politics of bearing w\
itness move this )Tj
T*
(concept out of religious discourse into the realm of the political? What\
are the implications of )Tj
T*
(such transference for the practice of a politics of postcoloniality? )Tj
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1. What is the point )Tj
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T*
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emocratic )Tj
T*
(negotiations concerning governance? 4. To what extent does it remain dan\
gerously )Tj
T*
(embedded in forms of idealism that can slip toward fascism? 5. Is there \
a temporal limit to )Tj
T*
(the scope of the field? Is postcolonialism a project that will be comple\
ted when the legacies )Tj
T*
(of colonialism have been worked through and surpassed, or is it the kind\
of process that )Tj
T*
(Wilson Harris terms an \223infinite rehearsal\224? 6. What form should a\
postcolonial politics take )Tj
T*
(in Canada? 7. How does one think an indigenous literacy alongside a tran\
snational literacy? )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(This last question articulates the project that Ted Chamberlin begins in\
)Tj
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(If This is Your Land, )Tj
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( If we can start to become proficient within these forms of literacies, \
)Tj
T*
(then what would change as a result? As Ivison asks: \223Given the histor\
y of relations between )Tj
T*
(Aboriginal peoples and the state, on what possible grounds could a liber\
al state ever become )Tj
T*
(a postcolonial one?\224 \(72\). With these questions, we are back to whe\
re I began, with Edward )Tj
T*
(Said\222s observations on the preconditions for political dialogue. Ivis\
on suggests that the \223[i])Tj
T*
(nvocation of reasonableness\224 as \223a deeply contested terrain in col\
onial contexts\224 \(72\) will )Tj
T*
(need to be rethought, as it is being rethought within postcolonial studi\
es today. That )Tj
T*
(thinking proceeds on many fronts. It will take a collective effort acros\
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enemy right now may be )Tj
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(the demand for instant solutions and easy answers. But we cannot discoun\
t the fear that )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(such changes bring to many, either. If we are to replace modernism\222s \
command to \223make it )Tj
T*
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T*
(confuse that demand with the politics of blame. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Hardt and Negri were too hasty \(in )Tj
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(looking study with no relevance to the challenges of globalization. The \
civilizing mission )Tj
T*
(remains alive and well and must be distinguished from Balibar\222s attem\
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T*
(\223civil\224 for a different kind of genuinely emancipatory project. Th\
e goal of creating equitable )Tj
T*
(and peaceful societies, beyond the dead hand of the colonial past, is wo\
rth embracing. )Tj
T*
(Politics is humanity\222s means for achieving such a goal, but politics \
itself requires an )Tj
T*
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cs requires people )Tj
T*
(who can act collectively for the public good. That is why Gayatri Chakra\
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T*
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literacy and )Tj
T*
(unlearning those sanctioned forms of ignorance that still too often pass\
for common sense. )Tj
T*
(That is why Len Findlay and James \(Sak\351j\) Youngblood Henderson issu\
e their calls to )Tj
T*
(indigenize. As students and teachers, we have a role to play in defining\
the focus of )Tj
T*
(postcolonial analysis in response to changing conditions under globaliza\
tion. To be effective, )Tj
T*
(a politics of postcoloniality will need to keep listening to its critics\
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T*
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(My thanks to the conference organizers \(David Jefferess, Sabine Milz, J\
ulie )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(McGonegal\) for putting this crucial topic on the agenda and for gatheri\
ng such a )Tj
T*
(dynamic community together to discuss it. I have benefited enormously fr\
om audience )Tj
T*
(feedback both during the conference and afterwards and wish to express m\
y thanks to )Tj
T*
(this group and to my students in English 424F for pushing my thinking so\
much )Tj
T*
(further on these questions. I am also deeply grateful to the Social Scie\
nces and )Tj
T*
(Humanities Research Council of Canada for funding this research under th\
e title, \223The )Tj
T*
(Ends of Postcolonialism.\224)Tj
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(Barry Sarchett makes a somewhat different argument, I think, in \223Prep\
rofessionalism )Tj
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essionalism is \223the )Tj
T*
(greatest threat to the integrity and autonomy of the intellectual,\224 a\
n argument based )Tj
T*
(in his view on \223faulty, nostalgic historical models and suspicious id\
eological )Tj
T*
(assumptions\224 \(43\). See )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(ADE Bulletin)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( 133 \(2003\): 42-46. See also Jeffrey J. Williams\222 )Tj
T*
(argument against Said\222s distrust of professionalism \(216-18\) in \223\
The Life of the Mind )Tj
T*
(and the Academic Situation.\224 In Jeffrey J. Williams, ed. )Tj
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(The Institution of Literature)Tj
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(. )Tj
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(Albany: State U of New York P, 2002. 203-25.)Tj
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(Home and Exile)Tj
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(. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Balibar, Etienne. )Tj
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(Politics and the Other Scene)Tj
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(. Trans Christine Jones, James Swenson, )Tj
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(Chris Turner. London: Verso, 2002.)Tj
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(Marxism, Modernity and Postcolonial Studies)Tj
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(. )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002.)Tj
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(Bov\351, Paul A. )Tj
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(. Durham: )Tj
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o Speaks for \221Indian\222 )Tj
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(Chow, Rey. \223Where Have All the Natives Gone?\224 )Tj
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(Contemporary Postcolonial Theory: A )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Reader)Tj
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(. Ed. Padmini Mongia. London: Arnold, 1997. 122-46.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Chamberlin, J. Edward. )Tj
/TT2 1 Tf
(If This is Your Land, Where Are Your Stories? Finding Common )Tj
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(Ground)Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(. Toronto: Alfred A. Knopf, 2003.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Dirlik, Arif. \223Rethinking Colonialism: Globalization, Postcolonialism\
, and the Nation.\224 )Tj
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0 -1.39999 TD
(Interventions)Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(. 4.3 \(2002\): 428-448.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Findlay, Len. \223Always Indigenize! The Radical Humanities in the Postc\
olonial Canadian )Tj
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(University\224 )Tj
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(Ariel)Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(. 31:1 & 2, Jan.-April 2000. 307-26.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Hall, Anthony J. )Tj
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(. Montreal: McGill-Queen\222s )Tj
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(UP, 2003. )Tj
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(Hardt, Michael and Antonio Negri. )Tj
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(Empire)Tj
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(. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2000. )Tj
T*
( \227. )Tj
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Desire.\224 )Tj
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0 -1.39999 TD
(The Afterlives of Area Studies)Tj
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(. Ed. Masao Miyoshi and H.D. Harootunian. Durham & )Tj
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(London: Duke UP, 2003. 150-74.)Tj
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(. Ed. Marie )Tj
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(Postcolonial Condition.\224 )Tj
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(. New York: Columbia UP, 2003.)Tj
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(Namjoshi, Suniti. )Tj
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(Pilger, John.)Tj
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( The New Rulers of the World)Tj
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(\223them and us\224; the assumptions behind \223speaking truth to power\224\
and the now misused )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(phrase, \223the personal is political\224 \227 in order to open space to\
imagine alternatives that )Tj
T*
(might suffice for the changed conditions of the present: alternatives su\
ch as Dipesh )Tj
T*
(Chakrabarty\222s notion of the \223politics of despair\224; Bonnie Honig\
\222s of the need to expand \223the )Tj
T*
(dilemmatic spaces\224 of endeavour; James \(Sak\351j\) Youngblood Hender\
son\222s of \223postcolonial )Tj
T*
(ghost dancing\224; Chakrabarty and Etienne Balibar\222s agreement on the\
current need to think )Tj
T*
(beyond nineteenth century notions of the citizen. The aim throughout is \
to work toward a )Tj
T*
(politics that balances critique with imagining otherwise.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(The \223we\224 employed in this paper refers to the community of scholar\
s concerned about how )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(to answer this question, initially those gathered at the McMaster confer\
ence in the fall of )Tj
T*
(2003 to discuss the politics of postcoloniality, and now the wider commu\
nity that forms the )Tj
T*
(postcolonial constituency. It is not employed to speak for others nor to\
assume or )Tj
T*
(manufacture consent but rather to invite engagement about the terms on w\
hich a widely )Tj
T*
(scattered group of people with distinctive approaches to these questions\
might begin to )Tj
T*
(discuss this complex topic and to frame a workable politics.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(This paper was written at a time of great loss for the postcolonial fiel\
d. The death of Edward )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Said leaves a huge gap. Said spoke for the value of literary and cultura\
l work within the )Tj
T*
(political arena; he insisted on the importance of the political to liter\
ary and cultural study; )Tj
T*
(and he worked his entire life to move American politics and postcolonial\
studies beyond )Tj
T*
(entrapment in what he termed a self-defeating \223politics of blame.\224\
But according to Said, )Tj
T*
(another politics, a politics of critique and acknowledgement, will be ne\
cessary before we can )Tj
T*
(move beyond a politics of blame. Said describes this challenge as follow\
s: \223I am for dialogue )Tj
T*
(between cultures and coexistence between people\205. But I think real pr\
inciple and real )Tj
T*
(justice have to be implemented before there can be true dialogue\224 \(B\
ov\351 1\). This sounds )Tj
T*
(like a chicken and egg problem: which comes first? How can real principl\
e and real justice be )Tj
T*
(implemented without true dialogue? But I believe that Said is correct. W\
e must tackle this )Tj
T*
(knot. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Dipesh Chakrabarty terms the difficulty of such a project \223a politics\
of despair\224 because it )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(requires \223a history that will attempt the impossible: to look toward \
its own death by tracing )Tj
T*
(that which resists and escapes the best human effort at translation acro\
ss cultural and other )Tj
T*
(semiotic systems, such that the world may once again be imagined as radi\
cally )Tj
T*
(heterogeneous\224 \(243-4\). He explains that this task is \223impossibl\
e within the knowledge )Tj
T*
(protocols of academic history, for the globality of academia is not inde\
pendent of the )Tj
T*
(globality that the European modern has created\224 \(244\). Nonetheless,\
although at present )Tj
T*
(there are \223no \(infra\)structural sites where such dreams could lodge\
themselves,\224 such )Tj
T*
(dreams will recur, requiring us to \223write over the privileged narrati\
ves of citizenship other )Tj
T*
(narratives of human connections\224 \(244\). The politics of despair, th\
en, does not advise giving )Tj
T*
(up. But it does suggest the need for a long-term view and a realistic ac\
knowledgement of )Tj
T*
(just how difficult the task will be. It is not an ineffectual wringing o\
f hands, but a willingness )Tj
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(to try to think through some genuine dilemmas. As one example of that di\
fficulty, I suggest )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(that both the politics of blame and that of speaking truth to power are \
complicit within the )Tj
T*
(privileged narratives of citizenship that Chakrabarty identifies as part\
of the problem. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(For Said, the intellectual has a duty to dissent, proclaiming his autono\
my from both state )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(and profession. I see such autonomy as a dangerous illusion, encouraging\
individualist )Tj
T*
(protest and a disabling suspicion of other modes of dissent.)Tj
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( Yet Said is convincing when )Tj
-31.2972 -1.5257 Td
(he suggests that a politics of blame is more often a strategy employed b\
y the powerful for )Tj
T*
(defusing claims for restitution, reparation and justice than it is a pol\
itics adopted by )Tj
T*
(oppressed peoples. Coinages such as the \223black armband view of histor\
y\224 \(cited in Pilger )Tj
T*
(193\), an expression invented to disparage the rewriting of Australian h\
istory from an )Tj
T*
(aboriginal point of view, are used by the powerful in Australia to dismi\
ss unpleasant truths, )Tj
T*
(such as the description of Australian colonial history as one of \223the\
ft, dispossession and )Tj
T*
(warfare, of massacre and resistance\224 \227 indeed, as \223genocide\224\
\(Pilger 192\). To call )Tj
T*
(something by its proper name is not to indulge in the politics of blame.\
Yet it is often seen )Tj
T*
(this way. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Such derogatory coinages can be turned on their inventors and embraced a\
s a badge of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(honour. You can now access on the web a song called \223Black Armband,\224\
composed by John )Tj
T*
(Hospodaryk as his ironic \223homage to John Howard.\224 He writes: \223\205\
When you criticized those )Tj
T*
(historians \(myself included\) as having a \221black armband view\222 be\
cause we choose to explore )Tj
T*
(the oppression of the Aboriginal people, you offended the suffering of t\
hese people. This )Tj
T*
(song, then, is an attempt to throw your remark right back in your face.\224\
The song wrests the )Tj
T*
(black armband from the context defined by the politics of blame, reclaim\
ing it for a politics )Tj
T*
(of commemoration and contention. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(But these lines will blur. Postcolonialism is not the politics of blame,\
and yet the stereotype )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(sticks. To move beyond a politics of blame was the great task of Edward \
Said\222s career, yet it )Tj
T*
(remained a task undone at the time of his death. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(It is all too easy to confuse calls for accountability and responsibilit\
y for a politics of blame. )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Clearer thinking is necessary, but so is an analysis of the functions su\
ch slippage serves. )Tj
T*
(Blame invokes discourses of purity that underlie divisions of us and the\
m, implying that the )Tj
T*
(guilty can be separated from the innocent, often further implying a disc\
ourse of good and )Tj
T*
(evil, sin and punishment, embraced by the great religions of the Book \(\
Christianity, Islam, )Tj
T*
(Judaism\). Such survivals within a supposedly secular age need to be inv\
estigated more )Tj
T*
(closely, within postcolonial discourse as elsewhere. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(I am deliberately cautious here. Said\222s strategy of \223speaking trut\
h to power\224 did not work )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(very well, yet too often it remains the only model for politically engag\
ed postcolonial )Tj
T*
(involvement. If postcolonial critics are to move beyond the impasse that\
Said described so )Tj
T*
(eloquently just before his death, then we need to understand better both\
the powerful )Tj
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(appeal and the limitations of a strategy that presumes to speak truth to\
power. Too often, )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(speaking truth to power can be the rallying cry of U.S. patriotic indivi\
dualism, a rights )Tj
T*
(discourse firmly embedded within the current status quo, a discourse of \
certainty rather )Tj
T*
(than questioning, which potentially nourishes a politics of blame. Pleas\
e don\222t mistake me )Tj
T*
(here. I think we need more room for dissent, not less. What troubles me \
in many current )Tj
T*
(invocations of speaking truth to power is the narrow scope afforded diss\
ent and its deep )Tj
T*
(entrenchment in contexts of U.S. constructions of citizenship around a c\
ertain kind of )Tj
T*
(individualist entitlement. It is this politics that authorizes speaking \
truth to power. The )Tj
T*
(politics of blame is not threatened by such a speaking; on the contrary,\
it reaffirms its hold )Tj
T*
(through such speech. As Rey Chow reminds us, \223Defilement and sanctifi\
cation belong to the )Tj
T*
(same symbolic order\224 \(141\). That order constrains all postcolonial \
speaking but it takes )Tj
T*
(particular forms within different national imaginaries. As postcolonial \
critics, we study these )Tj
T*
(within the international circuits of our discipline and the local limits\
of our own areas of )Tj
T*
(expertise, but we always view them from our own particular locations in \
culture.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(I am very aware of my Canadianness as I read expressions of faith in the\
necessity of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(speaking truth to power. To move outside the systems that it takes for g\
ranted, we need to )Tj
T*
(situate its politics historically for there are other ways of describing\
this impasse. In )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(The )Tj
T*
(Wealth of Nature)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(, Robert Nadeau considers, for example, the remarkable hold that )Tj
T*
(neoclassical economics continues to exert in defining and effectively re\
gulating the )Tj
T*
(ideological context in which these two politics function. As Nadeau expl\
ains, assumptions )Tj
T*
(about part/whole relationships based on superseded forms of science cont\
inue to operate )Tj
T*
(with the persistence of acts of faith within mainstream economics. These\
assumptions also )Tj
T*
(authorize both the politics of blame and that of speaking truth to power\
, for each believes )Tj
T*
(that separations of part from whole are not only possible but also desir\
able. To counter such )Tj
T*
(belief with alternative arguments based on reason alone, as Nadeau illus\
trates, is unlikely to )Tj
T*
(shake such faith. When each side in a conflict believes it holds the tru\
th, speaking truth to )Tj
T*
(power is unlikely to shake such belief. Different strategies may be need\
ed. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(In his remarkable attempt to take the readers of his book, )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(If This is Your Land, Where Are )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Your Stories?)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( beyond the politics of blame, Ted Chamberlin investigates the mobilizin\
g )Tj
T*
(power of stories but does not entirely escape the seductions of propheti\
c power invoked by )Tj
T*
(the concept of speaking truth to power. Chamberlin suggests that prophec\
y \223transcends the )Tj
T*
(category of truthtelling without rejecting it\224 \(51\), thus offering \
a wellspring for communal )Tj
T*
(mobilization that may be more powerful than political resistance. When s\
uch speech issues )Tj
T*
(from oppressed and dispossessed peoples, it must be listened to attentiv\
ely, with an effort )Tj
T*
(to understand it within its own terms. But eventually, Chamberlin recogn\
izes, even such )Tj
T*
(forms of speech need to be questioned. Speaking truth to power is a myth\
ology that can )Tj
T*
(work for any group. It begs the questions: whose truth? whose power? in \
which contexts? )Tj
T*
(Chamberlin suggests that the categories of them and us \223have become h\
ard-wired into our )Tj
T*
(consciousness, in ways that are both as meaningless and as meaningful as\
table )Tj
T*
(manners\224 \(24\). In other words, they are part of our habitus but the\
y are not part of our )Tj
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(essential selves, if such selves in fact exist. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(We need to pay more attention to what sustains such deeply ingrained cat\
egories of faith, )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(while also recognizing that the choice they pose to us is a false one, \223\
a choice,\224 in his words, )Tj
T*
(\223between being isolated or overwhelmed, between being marooned on an \
island or drowning )Tj
T*
(in the sea\224 \(24\). The \223great gift\224 of stories and songs, he s\
uggests, is that they \223can )Tj
T*
(frustrate that choice if we let them\224 \(32\). The task of a postcolon\
ial pedagogy, he implies, )Tj
T*
(will be to learn \(or relearn\) how to let them work that magic. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(But a pedagogy is not in itself a politics. I suggest that we remain cau\
tious about the role )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(that literature plays \223as the licenced alternative to objectivist soc\
ial science\224 in constructing )Tj
T*
(the aporias and antinomies that our knowledge systems employ to make sen\
se of the )Tj
T*
(present \(Simpson 16\). In his analysis of the terms that govern this li\
cense, David Simpson, )Tj
T*
(in )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(Situatedness, or, Why We Keep Saying Where We are Coming From)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(, warns that \223[t]he )Tj
T*
(outcome of the literary turn in the legal, ethical, and social scientifi\
c spheres is therefore not )Tj
T*
(to be predicted as necessarily positive because the conditions of its re\
ception cannot be )Tj
T*
(known in advance\224 \(145\). We all know from our teaching that postcol\
onial fictions may as )Tj
T*
(easily elicit comfort as discomfort, smug or dismissive judgments as oft\
en as compassion or )Tj
T*
(a rethinking of foundational assumptions. Literature has a role to play \
but cannot provide a )Tj
T*
(substitute for politics. Politics cannot be understood by focusing on co\
mpeting individuals )Tj
T*
(and their competing versions of speaking truth to power. Neither can a p\
ostcolonial politics )Tj
T*
(be understood by focusing on big names and their books instead of the su\
bstance of their )Tj
T*
(ideas and the contexts out of which they make their meaning. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Postcolonial politics take place within a larger crisis of politics itse\
lf. We need to understand )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(this crisis, the ways in which the postcolonial is embedded within it, a\
nd what specifically )Tj
T*
(postcolonial perspectives might bring to understanding and resolving thi\
s crisis. Immanuel )Tj
T*
(Wallerstein suggests that we are now at the end of the era of liberalism\
as the global )Tj
T*
(ideology or \223geoculture of the modern world system,\224 an era initia\
ted by the French )Tj
T*
(Revolution in 1789, with its declaration of the rights of Man and its em\
ancipatory agenda, )Tj
T*
(and now brought to an end with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 \(1\)\
. This era was )Tj
T*
(characterized, in his view, by liberalism\222s links with racism and Eur\
ocentrism, and by its )Tj
T*
(ability to highjack and redeploy ideologies of liberation. He believes t\
hat \223the world-system )Tj
T*
(is moving into an even greater North-South polarization than heretofore\224\
\(19\), a situation )Tj
T*
(which throws up several options for political practice: 1. what I am cal\
ling the politics of )Tj
T*
(blame, he terms \223the Khomeini option,\224 the denunciation of the Wes\
t and its Enlightenment )Tj
T*
(values as the incarnation of evil \(21\); 2. what he describes as the \223\
Saddam Hussein option,\224 )Tj
T*
(\223the willingness to risk real warfare\224 \(22\); and 3. \223individu\
al resistance by physical )Tj
T*
(relocation\224 -\226the solution reluctantly adopted by many postcolonia\
l intellectuals, refugees, )Tj
T*
(undocumented workers and other migrants \(23\). These options pose polit\
ical dilemmas. )Tj
T*
(Wallerstein sees the next fifty years as a time of crucial potential, as\
previously dominant )Tj
T*
(ideologies and economic systems collapse and new forms emerge. Out of th\
is challenge, he )Tj
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(wonders \223whether new transformatory movements with new strategies and\
agendas will in )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(fact emerge\224 \(24\). What role will postcolonial politics play during\
this interregnum? Is it )Tj
T*
(aligned with the old order or the new? Certainly it shares in much of th\
e old, deriving its )Tj
T*
(notions of the subject of politics and the goals of liberation from the \
declarations of 1789. )Tj
T*
(But it may also have some alternative perspectives to offer on how to th\
ink about politics )Tj
T*
(and how to practice it in these changing times. I think it does. This mo\
ment, then, may )Tj
T*
(provide an opportunity. How might it be seized? )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(In a lucid elaboration of three concepts of politics that need to be und\
erstood together, )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(emancipation, transformation and civility, Etienne Balibar draws particu\
lar attention to the )Tj
T*
(concept of civility, which he defines as \223the politics which takes as\
its \221object\222 the very )Tj
T*
(violence of identities\224 \(23\). Citing Bertrand Ogilvie\222s notion o\
f \223the \221making of disposable )Tj
T*
(man,\222\224 he considers \223indirect and delegated extermination\224 \(\
23\) within those contexts, )Tj
T*
(elaborated by Wallerstein, in which \223any claim to a right to politica\
l action has become )Tj
T*
(risible\205because there is practically no possibility for the victims t\
o see themselves and )Tj
T*
(present themselves in person as political subjects, capable of emancipat\
ing humanity by )Tj
T*
(emancipating themselves\224 \(24\). In attempting to understand the many\
different )Tj
T*
(contemporary forms of violence and cruelty associated with \223the makin\
g of disposable man,\224 )Tj
T*
(Balibar asks questions that are crucial to the postcolonial project: do \
these phenomena have )Tj
T*
(any real unity? \(141\); can we usefully distinguish between \223)Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(ultra objective)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( forms of violence, )Tj
T*
(or )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(cruelty without a face)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(\224 and \223)Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(ultra-subjective)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( forms of violence, or )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(cruelty with a Medusa )Tj
T*
(face)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(\224 \(143\)? He sees here, in this latter form, not the \223realm of or\
dinary forms of fascism\224 )Tj
T*
(but rather multiplications of an \223)Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(idealization of hatred)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(\224 \(25\). This then, may be a clue to )Tj
T*
(dangers lurking within the politics of blame--could it lead to an ideali\
zation of hatred? What )Tj
T*
(Balibar sees in these unprecedented forms of violence is their \223non-c\
ontrovertibility\224; that is, )Tj
T*
(\223they can neither be repressed or kept down \(which is, broadly, the \
objective of )Tj
T*
(theorizations of the political as justice, logos, social bond\), nor con\
verted politically into a )Tj
T*
(means of \221making history\222\224 \(26\). These new forms of violence,\
according to Balibar, throw )Tj
T*
(\223into question the idea of the constitution of politics either as tra\
nsformation or )Tj
T*
(emancipation\224 \(26\). These have been the traditional mainstays of po\
stcolonial politics. )Tj
T*
(Without them, where might we be? )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Balibar suggests that there still must be \223a politics involved in the\
condition of subjects )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(collectively confronted with the limits of their own power\224 and posit\
s some hope of finding )Tj
T*
(such a politics in a rearticulation of notions of civility with those of\
transformation and )Tj
T*
(emancipation \(26\). Balibar suggests that terrible though the violence \
of the conquistadores )Tj
T*
(was, it was ultimately constrained as well as authorized by the powerful\
hegemonic )Tj
T*
(framework within which it operated. That violence was \223disciplined\224\
and \223civilized\224 in ways )Tj
T*
(that current violences are not \(144\), according to him. Many will find\
this a problematic )Tj
T*
(concept, yet it articulates an alternative to the politics of blame. It \
also seems similar to )Tj
T*
(Anthony Hall\222s celebration of the negotiated politics of the Iroquois\
Confederacy in )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(The )Tj
T*
(Fourth World and the American Empire)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(. Hall suggests that British contractual arrangements )Tj
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(with First Nations peoples, even when imperfectly observed or ignored, w\
ere preferable to )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(the American Republic\222s refusal to recognize First Nations\222 sovere\
ignty at all. Hall argues )Tj
T*
(that \223those distinct peoples who stood in the way of the United State\
s\222s territorial ambitions )Tj
T*
(were dehumanized and criminalized in the text of the Declaration of Inde\
pendence\224 \(xiv\). )Tj
T*
(According to him, possibly no civil limits can be set to contemporary fo\
rms of violence \(from )Tj
T*
(state-sponsored to individual acts\) until the founding violence of this\
document is revisited )Tj
T*
(and corrected. Such a suggestion challenges some of the bases on which p\
ostcolonial )Tj
T*
(assumptions rest. To move beyond simplistic notions of liberation based \
on flawed )Tj
T*
(preconceptions, the terms of the discussion need to be clarified, histor\
icized and negotiated. )Tj
T*
(I cannot do that here. That work will be the task of generations, workin\
g in an )Tj
T*
(interdisciplinary, international, and collaborative fashion.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(The conference that generated this paper asked a series of questions. Wh\
at does )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(postcolonial work in the academy, and perhaps specifically in literary s\
tudies, hope to )Tj
T*
(achieve? What methods are appropriate to the task? Why does this work ma\
tter to us? What )Tj
T*
(is at stake in studying and teaching the postcolonial? What kinds of com\
munities can gather )Tj
T*
(under such a name? What is its relation to the concept of \223the nation\
\224? What are our hopes--)Tj
T*
(and our fears? If pitting truth against lies or your truth against my tr\
uth is not enough, then )Tj
T*
(what will suffice? It is crucial to remind ourselves of such questions b\
ecause it is easy to get )Tj
T*
(bogged down in the day to day, or distracted by matters that at the end \
of the day matter )Tj
T*
(much less. Postcolonial politics, as I understand it, is not about a sta\
te or a condition, as the )Tj
T*
(suffixes \223ity\224 and \223ism\224 suggest. Like all politics, \223pos\
tcolonial\224 refers to a process, a way of )Tj
T*
(doing politics differently. Cold War politics still inflect many respons\
es to such a phrase, )Tj
T*
(even among young people who never knew that era first hand. One student \
in my class this )Tj
T*
(year was enjoying Suniti Namjoshi\222s )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(Goja)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( until he read the following passage: \223But I\222m )Tj
T*
(beginning to understand the point of Goja\222s tale: as long as Charity \
is confined to the private )Tj
T*
(sphere, and Power to the public and political one \227 nothing works!\224\
\(136\). What I saw as a )Tj
T*
(powerful moment of insight into the contradictions of a culture that pri\
ded itself on its )Tj
T*
(goodness even as it allowed unconscionable poverty to co-exist with unim\
aginable wealth, )Tj
T*
(he saw as a call to Communism, a system he had learned had been proven n\
ot to work. How )Tj
T*
(do we free Charity and Power from the \223mental straitjackets\224 of th\
e imagination \(Brydon and )Tj
T*
(Tiffin 33\) maintained by this false binary? A postcolonial politics, I \
argue, begins with such )Tj
T*
(questions.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(At its most fundamental level, postcolonial thinking challenges the fail\
ures of imagination )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(that led to colonialism and its aftermath, a failure that continues with\
globalization but is )Tj
T*
(now assuming horrific new forms. It involves learning to understand the \
legacies of the past )Tj
T*
(in all their complexity so as to provide ourselves with a sound groundin\
g, both cautionary )Tj
T*
(and inspirational, for imagining better ways of living together in the f\
uture. That is where )Tj
T*
(the politics come in. The way to such learning is determined by the need\
s and urgencies of )Tj
T*
(the present. Such learning involves the kinds of unlearning that Gayatri\
Spivak addresses )Tj
T*
(when she speaks of \223un-learning our privilege as our loss\224 \(\223C\
riticism\224 9\). So often the )Tj
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(second part of that equation gets forgotten. It involves recognizing tha\
t structures of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(knowledge often contain their own sanctioned forms of ignorance \(anothe\
r Spivakian )Tj
T*
(concept\) and their own asymmetrical forms of knowing, that blindness an\
d insight may be )Tj
T*
(the Siamese twins of knowledge. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(But to recognize that truth is complex is not to dispense with it entire\
ly. Here Satya )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Mohanty\222s engagements with critical realism need to be followed close\
ly. My view, which )Tj
T*
(admittedly goes against the grain of much of the new \223common sense\224\
about postcoloniality, )Tj
T*
(is that postcolonial histories and stories challenge the prevalent postm\
odernist faith in )Tj
T*
(individuality, deterritorialization and relativism and their entrenchmen\
t of special interest )Tj
T*
(group and identity politics as the only politics of which people are cap\
able. In my view, a )Tj
T*
(postcolonial politics means turning away from cheap cynicisms and easy a\
nswers to enter )Tj
T*
(instead into what Bonnie Honig calls, creating an adjective from the nou\
n \223dilemma,\224 the )Tj
T*
(\223dilemmatic spaces\224 of difficult engagements. Such dilemmatic spac\
es require a certain )Tj
T*
(humbleness of approach, a willingness to be proven wrong, an openness to\
fresh ways of )Tj
T*
(posing problems, a willingness to submit to the demands of \223infinite \
rehearsal\224 \(Harris )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
T*
(Infinite)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(\) rather than to seek any kind of \223final solution.\224 The echoes he\
re are deliberate. My )Tj
T*
(hopes are to evade \223eclipses of otherness\224 \(Harris )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(Womb)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( 55, 92-3\); my fears are renewed )Tj
T*
(forms of fascism. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(There are many dilemmatic spaces that a politics of postcolonialism must\
engage. One of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(those spaces is the matter of our own situatedness. As differently posit\
ioned heirs to the )Tj
T*
(legacies of colonialism, we study a phenomenon that provides us in every\
sense with the )Tj
T*
(means and the manner of our current living. Many scholars working within\
the postcolonial )Tj
T*
(field have been accused of putting academic politics and careerism befor\
e the larger )Tj
T*
(objectives of work in the field, even of substituting career advancement\
for working toward )Tj
T*
(decolonization and the kinds of political change it seems to demand. The\
cynicism of such )Tj
T*
(criticism mistakes a part of the picture for the whole and misidentifies\
the issues. Indeed, )Tj
T*
(that kind of critique remains trapped in a politics of blame that fails \
to identify the larger )Tj
T*
(circuits of power within which academic exchanges are embedded, and too \
often presumes )Tj
T*
(to prejudge the issues before all participants are heard. There are a fe\
w issues that I want )Tj
T*
(to raise here. First is the question of how to identify the nature and t\
erms of our )Tj
T*
(situatedness as postcolonial critics. This will include addressing the p\
henomenal popularity )Tj
T*
(of situating the self within many current discourses and the contradicto\
ry but mutually )Tj
T*
(constitutive forms that practice takes, as analyzed so provocatively by \
David Simpson in )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
T*
(Situatedness)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(. Second is identification of the proper scope of postcolonial inquiry. \
Thirdly, )Tj
T*
(what goals it can appropriately set itself. Fourth, insofar as the postc\
olonial involves a )Tj
T*
(distinctive form of political analysis, this will involve articulating i\
ts relation to other forms of )Tj
T*
(political analysis, such as liberalism and Marxism. Here, Duncan Ivison\222\
s )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(Postcolonial )Tj
T*
(Liberalism)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( and Crystal Bartolovich\222s and Neil Lazarus\222s )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(Marxism, Modernity and Postcolonial )Tj
T*
(Studies)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( are good places to begin. Five, if the postcolonial has indeed been div\
erted from its )Tj
T*
(proper goals, how can it be set back on an appropriate path once more? F\
inally, how can we )Tj
ET
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(know whether or not we have identified such a path, or whether new confi\
gurations of the )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(field merely reinscribe complicity with hegemonic orders?)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Arif Dirlik suggests that the field has taken a wrong turn in retreating\
from \223the )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(understanding of colonialism as system,\224 moving instead into \223a si\
tuational approach that )Tj
T*
(valorizes contingency and difference over systemic totality\224 \(433\).\
Such a situational )Tj
T*
(approach makes it harder to identify the system that has simultaneously \
given rise to )Tj
T*
(postcolonial studies as a growth area within the academy while denying i\
t any purchase )Tj
T*
(within the world outside academe. Dirlik suggests that \223Preoccupation\
with colonialism and )Tj
T*
(its legacies makes for an exaggerated view of the hold of the past over \
contemporary )Tj
T*
(realities, and an obliviousness to the reconfiguration of past legacies \
by contemporary )Tj
T*
(restructurations of power\224 \(429\).)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Attention to that \223reconfiguration of past legacies by contemporary r\
estructurations of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(power\224 requires continued vigilance, attentiveness to new forms of co\
mplicity, and a )Tj
T*
(willingness to move on, to recognize that analyses appropriate to one ti\
me and place may )Tj
T*
(prove inappropriate in another. In Dirlik\222s view, postcolonial critic\
ism \223speaks to the legacies )Tj
T*
(of the past, but it is arguably informed in its basic premises and orien\
tations by assumptions )Tj
T*
(that derive their plausibility from its context in globalization\224 \(4\
29\). These are points we )Tj
T*
(need to take very seriously. To test them, the contemporary postcolonial\
critic will need to )Tj
T*
(consider current contexts of globalization: their derivations and deviat\
ions from colonial )Tj
T*
(legacies and the possibility of their relative autonomy from these. But \
attention to )Tj
T*
(globalization alone will not necessarily solve the bigger questions here\
; it merely displaces )Tj
T*
(the problem of situatededness from one arena to another.)Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Dirlik\222s arguments, like those of H.D. Harootunian, derive from an an\
alysis of a U.S. context )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(in which area studies rather than Commonwealth literature is seen as the\
foundation for )Tj
T*
(contemporary postcolonial studies, a context and a history that do not d\
escribe the )Tj
T*
(Canadian situation. Harootunian\222s account of the present state of the\
discipline is barely )Tj
T*
(recognizable from the locations in which I have worked in Australia and \
Canada. He writes )Tj
T*
(that postcolonial discourse \223has seized control of English department\
s and along with its ally )Tj
T*
(identity politics redefined the character of cultural studies\224 \(150\)\
. From my perspective, he )Tj
T*
(is wrong on at least two of these three counts. English departments have\
not been )Tj
T*
(transformed by postcolonial studies and identity politics are not necess\
arily its allies, )Tj
T*
(although they may prove traveling companions for a while, as in anti-rac\
ist struggles. If )Tj
T*
(identity politics have redefined cultural studies, then that is a matter\
I leave open for today. )Tj
T*
(I suspect he is right about this. It may also be true, as Kobena Mercer \
suggests \223\205that one )Tj
T*
(of the ironies of the nineties was that the keywords of postcolonial thi\
nking perhaps became )Tj
T*
(globalized as merely commonplace rather than critically interrogative\224\
\(234\). I have already )Tj
T*
(suggested that the concept of speaking truth to power, always problemati\
c in my view, has )Tj
T*
(become one of those normalized clich\351s, drained of its political forc\
e, even as the examples )Tj
T*
(of intellectuals such as Edward Said, Salman Rushdie and Arundhati Roy r\
emind us of its )Tj
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(rallying power and the ethical force it is capable of summoning. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Harootunian\222s prescription for postcolonial revival is to redirect it\
s attention to \223capitalist )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(modernity and its transformations,\224 to the relationship between the \223\
experience of )Tj
T*
(everydayness and the relentless regime of the commodity form\224 \(173\)\
. Without such )Tj
T*
(reconfiguration, Harootunian asks: \223What, then, can we hope from post\
coloniality? An )Tj
T*
(innocuous \221cultural respect,\222 postcoloniality\222s response to hum\
an rights?\224 \(172\), he )Tj
T*
(concludes dismissively. Posed in these terms, the New Age or liberal car\
icature that passes )Tj
T*
(for postcoloniality in his essay is indeed a trendy triviality, yet I wo\
uld like to keep this )Tj
T*
(question alive as something requiring much further investigation, today \
and in the future. )Tj
T*
(What renders cultural respect innocuous? Is it always so? What is the re\
lation between )Tj
T*
(respect and rights? Is there a problem with the terms here or with the a\
ssumptions they )Tj
T*
(carry? If respect and rights cannot lead to a more equitable world, then\
what kinds of )Tj
T*
(concepts can replace them? Chamberlin\222s book, for example, disengages\
a discourse of )Tj
T*
(respect from one of rights, without denying the need to address question\
s of entitlement, )Tj
T*
(ownership and spiritual value. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(In a similar vein to Harootunian, Dirlik argues that \223the problematic\
of postcolonialism\224 is )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(exhausted because \223colonialism as systemic activity has receded befor\
e a reconfiguration of )Tj
T*
(global relations, so that, even where colonialism persists, it appears d\
ifferently than it did )Tj
T*
(before as it is refracted through these new relationships\224 \(445\). I\
agree that the current )Tj
T*
(situation reconfigures power relations and requires a renewed and possib\
ly redirected mode )Tj
T*
(of analysis, but the survival of older forms of colonial discourse and t\
he assumptions these )Tj
T*
(carry cause me to dispute Dirlik\222s contention that the problematic of\
the field has been )Tj
T*
(exhausted. Dirlik identifies the problematic of postcolonialism solely w\
ith its role as critique, )Tj
T*
(yet as Harootunian acknowledges and Chamberlin elaborates, its role as \223\
memoration\224 \(173\) )Tj
T*
(is equally important. How and what communities remember and what they er\
ase from )Tj
T*
(memory are always at stake. Indeed, since June 2003, when Stanley Kurtz \
of the Hoover )Tj
T*
(Institute testified before the Subcommittee on Select Education, Committ\
ee on Education )Tj
T*
(and the Workforce, U.S. House of Representatives, claiming that \223The \
ruling intellectual )Tj
T*
(paradigm in academic area studies \(especially Middle Eastern Studies\) \
is called \221post-colonial )Tj
T*
(theory,\222\224 the field has been identified as a major threat to U.S. \
patriotism, requiring further )Tj
T*
(regulation, closer monitoring and the possible withdrawal of funds. Acco\
rding to Kurtz, \223The )Tj
T*
(core premise of post-colonial theory is that it is immoral for a scholar\
to put his knowledge )Tj
T*
(of foreign languages and cultures at the service of American power.\224 \
Such a politics of )Tj
T*
(boycott is then interpreted by Kurtz as expressing \223an extreme animus\
to the United States )Tj
T*
(itself.\224 Once again, a refusal to serve is read through the lens of t\
he politics of blame and )Tj
T*
(the spaces for dissent, and the dilemmatic spaces of engagement, are sev\
erely narrowed. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(For me, the task of postcolonial theory is to widen the space for negoti\
ating understanding )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(beyond knee-jerk ideological posturing on both sides of an issue. How do\
es one respond to a )Tj
T*
(Kurtz? I see no value in accepting the terms of engagement he sets, eith\
er to embrace or )Tj
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(reject his caricature. What needs to be attacked are the premises on whi\
ch he bases his )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(arguments. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(More questions confront the postcolonial theorist who wishes to move bey\
ond such narrowly )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(circumscribed rhetorics of betrayal and blame. As my quotation from Said\
at the beginning )Tj
T*
(of this paper indicates, that is not to suggest that Palestinians have n\
ot been wronged or )Tj
T*
(that these wrongs must not be recognized, but it is to argue that once s\
uch )Tj
T*
(acknowledgement is made, both a will and means must be found to negotiat\
e a better way )Tj
T*
(forward. It is true, as one of this paper\222s readers implied, that I a\
m suspicious of the master-)Tj
T*
(narratives of politics, but that does not require embracing a relativist\
view that one side\222s )Tj
T*
(truth is as good as another\222s. The ethical choice of adjudicating tru\
ths may not be best )Tj
T*
(served, in the end, by taking one side above another. Ethically, we may \
well decide that one )Tj
T*
(side is right and the other wrong, but politics, as the art of the possi\
ble, moves in a different )Tj
T*
(sphere. Rather than a politics of winners and losers and winner take all\
, I prefer to adopt a )Tj
T*
(politics of negotiation and compromise. Postcolonial histories must prom\
pt us to ask how we )Tj
T*
(can know what kinds of political change will work best for all of us, or\
at least for more of )Tj
T*
(us, when as Erna Brodber puts it, \223the half has never been told\224 \(\
35\). )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(At the same time, Chinua Achebe reminds us of how much further we must g\
o before we )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(can begin to identify shared goals. He says:)Tj
1.728 -2.60001 Td
(To those who believe that Europe and North America have already invented\
a )Tj
T*
(universal civilization and all the rest of us have to do is hurry up and\
enroll, what I )Tj
T*
(am proposing will appear unnecessary if not downright foolish. But for o\
thers who )Tj
T*
(may believe with me that universal civilization is nowhere yet in sight,\
the task will be )Tj
T*
(how to enter the preliminary conversations. \(104\))Tj
-1.728 -2.60001 Td
(How to enter the preliminary conversations? That may indeed sound unduly\
timid to those )Tj
T*
(more confident of the right way forward, yet I believe that postcolonial\
studies is still at this )Tj
T*
(stage. We are still learning on what basis such a conversation may be be\
gun because those )Tj
T*
(of us inhabiting settler colonies, in any case, are still learning to li\
sten to alternative )Tj
T*
(analyses of who we are and what our accomplishments mean. We are still e\
xperimenting )Tj
T*
(with devising our points of entry into alternative ways of envisioning t\
he world. Dirlik and )Tj
T*
(Harootunian believe that the conversation must begin with a critique of \
capitalism; )Tj
T*
(Chamberlin suggests a renewed respect for ceremonies of community buildi\
ng through the )Tj
T*
(rituals of words. We need the analyses that come from both traditions. I\
do not believe we )Tj
T*
(have to choose between these options. Rather, we need to learn to think \
them through )Tj
T*
(together and try to think beyond them. James \(Sak\351j\) Youngblood Hen\
derson, in his essay, )Tj
T*
(\223Postcolonial Ghost Dancing: Diagnosing European Colonialism,\224 pro\
vides one example, from )Tj
T*
(an indigenous perspective, of how that might be done, wrenching the ghos\
t dance away )Tj
T*
(from Eurocentric interpretations back into the context of \223a sustaine\
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T*
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(reject his caricature. What needs to be attacked are the premises on whi\
ch he bases his )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(arguments. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(More questions confront the postcolonial theorist who wishes to move bey\
ond such narrowly )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(circumscribed rhetorics of betrayal and blame. As my quotation from Said\
at the beginning )Tj
T*
(of this paper indicates, that is not to suggest that Palestinians have n\
ot been wronged or )Tj
T*
(that these wrongs must not be recognized, but it is to argue that once s\
uch )Tj
T*
(acknowledgement is made, both a will and means must be found to negotiat\
e a better way )Tj
T*
(forward. It is true, as one of this paper\222s readers implied, that I a\
m suspicious of the master-)Tj
T*
(narratives of politics, but that does not require embracing a relativist\
view that one side\222s )Tj
T*
(truth is as good as another\222s. The ethical choice of adjudicating tru\
ths may not be best )Tj
T*
(served, in the end, by taking one side above another. Ethically, we may \
well decide that one )Tj
T*
(side is right and the other wrong, but politics, as the art of the possi\
ble, moves in a different )Tj
T*
(sphere. Rather than a politics of winners and losers and winner take all\
, I prefer to adopt a )Tj
T*
(politics of negotiation and compromise. Postcolonial histories must prom\
pt us to ask how we )Tj
T*
(can know what kinds of political change will work best for all of us, or\
at least for more of )Tj
T*
(us, when as Erna Brodber puts it, \223the half has never been told\224 \(\
35\). )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(At the same time, Chinua Achebe reminds us of how much further we must g\
o before we )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(can begin to identify shared goals. He says:)Tj
1.728 -2.60001 Td
(To those who believe that Europe and North America have already invented\
a )Tj
T*
(universal civilization and all the rest of us have to do is hurry up and\
enroll, what I )Tj
T*
(am proposing will appear unnecessary if not downright foolish. But for o\
thers who )Tj
T*
(may believe with me that universal civilization is nowhere yet in sight,\
the task will be )Tj
T*
(how to enter the preliminary conversations. \(104\))Tj
-1.728 -2.60001 Td
(How to enter the preliminary conversations? That may indeed sound unduly\
timid to those )Tj
T*
(more confident of the right way forward, yet I believe that postcolonial\
studies is still at this )Tj
T*
(stage. We are still learning on what basis such a conversation may be be\
gun because those )Tj
T*
(of us inhabiting settler colonies, in any case, are still learning to li\
sten to alternative )Tj
T*
(analyses of who we are and what our accomplishments mean. We are still e\
xperimenting )Tj
T*
(with devising our points of entry into alternative ways of envisioning t\
he world. Dirlik and )Tj
T*
(Harootunian believe that the conversation must begin with a critique of \
capitalism; )Tj
T*
(Chamberlin suggests a renewed respect for ceremonies of community buildi\
ng through the )Tj
T*
(rituals of words. We need the analyses that come from both traditions. I\
do not believe we )Tj
T*
(have to choose between these options. Rather, we need to learn to think \
them through )Tj
T*
(together and try to think beyond them. James \(Sak\351j\) Youngblood Hen\
derson, in his essay, )Tj
T*
(\223Postcolonial Ghost Dancing: Diagnosing European Colonialism,\224 pro\
vides one example, from )Tj
T*
(an indigenous perspective, of how that might be done, wrenching the ghos\
t dance away )Tj
T*
(from Eurocentric interpretations back into the context of \223a sustaine\
d vision of how to resist )Tj
T*
(colonization\224 \(57\). )Tj
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(There are, then, both ideological and institutional contexts constrainin\
g the politics of )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(postcoloniality and the terms on which such a conversation may be starte\
d, as Henderson )Tj
T*
(recognizes. He identifies colonial strategies of \223Eurocentrism, epist\
emological diffusionism, )Tj
T*
(universality, and enforcement of differences,\224 seeing each of them as\
living within the )Tj
T*
(contexts of knowledge production today \(58\). Dirlik and Harootunian id\
entify capitalism as )Tj
T*
(the major constraining context, a context that in its consumerism and it\
s desire for the new )Tj
T*
(makes their academic audience impatient with last year\222s trend and an\
xious to move on to )Tj
T*
(the next new thing. They deplore such faddishness yet cannot resist its \
terms of )Tj
T*
(engagement entirely. For Dirlik and Harootunian, postcolonialism has had\
its fifteen minutes )Tj
T*
(of fame. In contrast, Chamberlin seeks to connect with a common sense of\
shared humanity )Tj
T*
(that is concerned by conflict and yearns for \223common ground\224 \(as \
indicated in his subtitle, )Tj
T*
(\223Finding Common Ground\224\) among all the warring factions that divi\
de the world. The larger )Tj
T*
(systemic context he identifies is not capitalism but rather the enduring\
power of stories to )Tj
T*
(divide and unite us and to explain the world. I think that capitalism an\
d stories need to be )Tj
T*
(theorized together. Since each of these theorists is to some extent cons\
trained by the )Tj
T*
(audiences he addresses, their work needs to be read together. In their h\
aste to declare the )Tj
T*
(postcolonial defunct, Dirlik and Harootunian fail to give it the time it\
needs to work through )Tj
T*
(its mandate. In his desire to reach beyond the academy, Chamberlin makes\
a virtue of )Tj
T*
(simplicity but cannot always do justice to the demands he wants to make.\
While I find )Tj
T*
(Henderson\222s analysis most persuasive, it assumes an audience familiar\
with a high degree of )Tj
T*
(academic abstraction. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Terri A. Hasseler and Paula M. Krebs remind us that \223[t]he definition\
of postcolonialism in )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(the United States exists in a market context\224 \(91\). That context is\
part of what we need to )Tj
T*
(understand if a politics is to be developed to address and change it. In\
tracing trends within )Tj
T*
(MLA job descriptions over the past ten years, they conclude that both ma\
rket forces and \223a )Tj
T*
(potential shift in the politics of the larger field of English studies\224\
seem to be at play \(91\), )Tj
T*
(although they remain unsure of what impact the dynamism and breadth of t\
he field is )Tj
T*
(having. They suggest that although \223postcolonialism has become part o\
f the common )Tj
T*
(language of literature departments, there are nevertheless many dialects\
within this )Tj
T*
(language,\224 meaning that specialists working within one geopolitical l\
ocation may not )Tj
T*
(necessarily share reference points with specialists in another \(99\). T\
his is certainly true. In )Tj
T*
(writing this essay from my southwestern Ontario, Canadian location, I am\
very aware of )Tj
T*
(how different my perspective is from that of my colleagues in the United\
States and of how )Tj
T*
(hard it is to speak across those national barriers. What are the implica\
tions of such a state )Tj
T*
(of fragmentation for the national and global politics of the field? Hass\
eler and Krebs\222 title, )Tj
T*
(\223Losing Our Way after the Imperial Turn,\224 implies a certain lack o\
f faith in the efficacy of the )Tj
T*
(field, despite the pious hope expressed in their conclusion that postcol\
onialism may )Tj
T*
(eventually have a transformative effect on many aspects of \223English s\
tudies,\224 including )Tj
T*
(\223disciplinary boundaries, approaches to texts, and even the politics \
of institutions\224 \(100\). )Tj
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(For Hasseler and Krebs, then, the politics of postcoloniality are academ\
ic politics, with )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(implications for change largely confined to the university. For many, th\
at politics is )Tj
T*
(insufficient, and the results that it can be expected to achieve will be\
modest and happen )Tj
T*
(too slowly. I am more ambivalent. Postcolonial study is not just about E\
nglish studies but )Tj
T*
(about knowledge formations and their consequences, within and beyond uni\
versity study. At )Tj
T*
(the same time, what politics needs from university researchers is sound \
research that can )Tj
T*
(be trusted and the authority of an arms-length distance from the marketp\
lace and from the )Tj
T*
(state, so that rational strategies for political action may be based on \
objective information )Tj
T*
(and analysis. At a time when media credibility is at an all-time low, an\
d scientific research is )Tj
T*
(itself being questioned for its partisan and partial nature, scholarship\
in the humanities )Tj
T*
(needs to reclaim an ethical ground that through postmodernism it volunta\
rily relinquished. )Tj
T*
(Thus it is urgent that university researchers combat corporate funding o\
f research and the )Tj
T*
(privatization of universities, including the transformation of knowledge\
into product and )Tj
T*
(students into consumers. It is also necessary for postcolonial work to c\
hallenge the )Tj
T*
(stereotypes and assumptions that make inequities seem both natural and d\
eserved, thus )Tj
T*
(preparing the ground for a politics through which Achebe\222s desired co\
nversations may begin )Tj
T*
(to happen. While literary study has a role to play in this task, the ins\
ights of other disciplines )Tj
T*
(are also needed to contribute to this recontextualization. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Politics will not be valued or understood until those aspects that disti\
nguish it from other )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(human endeavors are recognized along with the ways in which it is enmesh\
ed within other )Tj
T*
(activities. \223The personal is political\224 was an effective slogan fo\
r different times, when it )Tj
T*
(challenged notions of the autonomy of the individual to insist on the Ma\
rxian insight that any )Tj
T*
(choices we might make are always made within contexts not of our own cho\
osing. Feminists )Tj
T*
(in the 1960s found it helpful in fighting sexism. But today it has been \
turned on its head, )Tj
T*
(often being employed to reinforce the very focus on autonomous individua\
l choice that it )Tj
T*
(was designed to combat. Today, employment of the phrase tends to obscure\
rather than )Tj
T*
(illuminate the crucial connections that must be made between different a\
spects of our lives. )Tj
T*
(It reduces politics to individual preference. As an editorial in Z Magaz\
ine puts it: )Tj
1.728 -2.60001 Td
(The \223personal is political\224 \227 meaning that personal outcomes ar\
e largely a product of )Tj
T*
(systemic relations and of structures beyond each individual that need to\
be addressed )Tj
T*
(\227 came to mean, instead, that all political phenomena arise from the \
accumulated )Tj
T*
(personal choices of individuals, so that what needed to be addressed to \
win better )Tj
T*
(circumstances was primarily people\222s personal choices.)Tj
-1.728 -2.60001 Td
(The concepts of agency and of choice need to be rescued from such draini\
ng contexts today. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(In valuing politics as politics, we need not devalue other kinds of huma\
n creativity. )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Ultimately, my own interest lies in the ways that literary texts both en\
gage and exceed the )Tj
T*
(political. Many critical texts, from a variety of ideological perspectiv\
es, have recently )Tj
T*
(appeared addressing the question of postcolonial aesthetics. But the tas\
k of thinking through )Tj
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(aesthetics and politics together remains one of the challenges before us\
. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Although the ultimate orientation of a postcolonial politics is toward n\
egotiating political )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(change in the organizations of governance, power and wealth in the world\
, the more )Tj
T*
(immediate task is creating the kinds of knowledge base and the kinds of \
subjects who can )Tj
T*
(work together creatively toward achieving such goals. We always need to \
remind ourselves )Tj
T*
(of the long and short term goals of our work. By drawing attention to th\
e notion of \223ends\224 I )Tj
T*
(am directing attention to the functions of postcolonial work but also hi\
ghlighting its )Tj
T*
(imbrication within utopian projects as varied and contradictory as Marxi\
sm and Christianity. )Tj
T*
(The language of postcolonial theory is heavily imbued with potent metaph\
ors from )Tj
T*
(economics and religion. How do we negotiate across these conflicting age\
ndas? \223The Ends of )Tj
T*
(Postcolonialism,\224 my original conference title, carries eschatologica\
l echoes from )Tj
T*
(monotheistic religious, liberal and utopian discourses, each of which im\
plies that history is )Tj
T*
(progress toward \223an end,\224 a final point of consummation. These are\
echoes I wish to )Tj
T*
(disclaim but which must be investigated before they can be discarded bec\
ause the whole )Tj
T*
(enterprise is imbued with them, heavily imbued with them. The notion of \
bearing witness, )Tj
T*
(for example, grounds much work within the field in a way that seems to d\
elink the concept )Tj
T*
(from its roots in religious experience, but can such associations be so \
easily delinked? Or )Tj
T*
(should they be? In what ways does the postcolonial politics of bearing w\
itness move this )Tj
T*
(concept out of religious discourse into the realm of the political? What\
are the implications of )Tj
T*
(such transference for the practice of a politics of postcoloniality? )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(This paper has obliquely addressed a series of inter-related questions: \
1. What is the point )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(of postcolonial scholarship? 2. To what extent is the field imbued with \
a missionary zeal to )Tj
T*
(redeem the world? 3. To what extent can such idealism be harnessed for d\
emocratic )Tj
T*
(negotiations concerning governance? 4. To what extent does it remain dan\
gerously )Tj
T*
(embedded in forms of idealism that can slip toward fascism? 5. Is there \
a temporal limit to )Tj
T*
(the scope of the field? Is postcolonialism a project that will be comple\
ted when the legacies )Tj
T*
(of colonialism have been worked through and surpassed, or is it the kind\
of process that )Tj
T*
(Wilson Harris terms an \223infinite rehearsal\224? 6. What form should a\
postcolonial politics take )Tj
T*
(in Canada? 7. How does one think an indigenous literacy alongside a tran\
snational literacy? )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(This last question articulates the project that Ted Chamberlin begins in\
)Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(If This is Your Land, )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(Where Are Your Stories?)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
( If we can start to become proficient within these forms of literacies, \
)Tj
T*
(then what would change as a result? As Ivison asks: \223Given the histor\
y of relations between )Tj
T*
(Aboriginal peoples and the state, on what possible grounds could a liber\
al state ever become )Tj
T*
(a postcolonial one?\224 \(72\). With these questions, we are back to whe\
re I began, with Edward )Tj
T*
(Said\222s observations on the preconditions for political dialogue. Ivis\
on suggests that the \223[i])Tj
T*
(nvocation of reasonableness\224 as \223a deeply contested terrain in col\
onial contexts\224 \(72\) will )Tj
T*
(need to be rethought, as it is being rethought within postcolonial studi\
es today. That )Tj
T*
(thinking proceeds on many fronts. It will take a collective effort acros\
s disciplines and )Tj
T*
(different communities of interest to shift these definitions. Its chief \
enemy right now may be )Tj
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(the demand for instant solutions and easy answers. But we cannot discoun\
t the fear that )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(such changes bring to many, either. If we are to replace modernism\222s \
command to \223make it )Tj
T*
(new\224 with the urging to \223make it just,\224 it will be hard to avoi\
d defensive responses that )Tj
T*
(confuse that demand with the politics of blame. )Tj
0 -2.60001 TD
(Hardt and Negri were too hasty \(in )Tj
/TT1 1 Tf
(Empire)Tj
/TT0 1 Tf
(\) in dismissing postcolonial theory as a backward-)Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(looking study with no relevance to the challenges of globalization. The \
civilizing mission )Tj
T*
(remains alive and well and must be distinguished from Balibar\222s attem\
pt to reclaim the )Tj
T*
(\223civil\224 for a different kind of genuinely emancipatory project. Th\
e goal of creating equitable )Tj
T*
(and peaceful societies, beyond the dead hand of the colonial past, is wo\
rth embracing. )Tj
T*
(Politics is humanity\222s means for achieving such a goal, but politics \
itself requires an )Tj
T*
(infrastructure and value system to function. At the very minimum, politi\
cs requires people )Tj
T*
(who can act collectively for the public good. That is why Gayatri Chakra\
vorty Spivak pays so )Tj
T*
(much attention to the urgent need for developing forms of transnational \
literacy and )Tj
T*
(unlearning those sanctioned forms of ignorance that still too often pass\
for common sense. )Tj
T*
(That is why Len Findlay and James \(Sak\351j\) Youngblood Henderson issu\
e their calls to )Tj
T*
(indigenize. As students and teachers, we have a role to play in defining\
the focus of )Tj
T*
(postcolonial analysis in response to changing conditions under globaliza\
tion. To be effective, )Tj
T*
(a politics of postcoloniality will need to keep listening to its critics\
, from all sides of the )Tj
T*
(political spectrum, while working to create the conditions under which g\
enuine dialogue )Tj
T*
(might begin.)Tj
T*
( )Tj
/TT2 1 Tf
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(Notes)Tj
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(My thanks to the conference organizers \(David Jefferess, Sabine Milz, J\
ulie )Tj
0 -1.39999 TD
(McGonegal\) for putting this crucial topic on the agenda and for gatheri\
ng such a )Tj
T*
(dynamic community together to discuss it. I have benefited enormously fr\
om audience )Tj
T*
(feedback both during the conference and afterwards and wish to express m\
y thanks to )Tj
T*
(this group and to my students in English 424F for pushing my thinking so\
much )Tj
T*
(further on these questions. I am also deeply grateful to the Social Scie\
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